Tag Archives: Nikos Maziotis



The ghost of Frederica (once queen of Greece) is still wandering around. After the first episode (when their 6 years old child of P.Roupa and N.Maziotis sent to a psychiatric clinic, the hunger strike of his parents, the outrage and the whole reaction, the statements of support and the final decision to award custody to his grandmother until the final decision of the court) we are entering in the second episode.

On 1st of March is going to be decided the chlid’s custody in Kalamata and his parents are demanding their transfer to attend personally the trial due to the high importance has  the casefor their child’s future.

Making use of legalistic state arsenal, especially of 1532 AK, according to which “the prosecutormay by ex officio order the implementations of whatever measures appropriate”, it seems that such a treatment applies when it comes to enemies of the state and capital, while in the case of members of the state gangs-assassinators of 15 year old children (for example, cop Korkoneas who shot dead Alexis Grigoropoulos in 2008) there are not any measures appropriate.

The constitutional rights of the child (Article 7 Paragraph 2) have been brutally violated in this case and the left-right government is hidden behind the so-called “independent justice”, notifying the ducks, and even tearing down even their sovereignty coming from the Constitution. So, the ghost of Fredericais followed by the vampire of patriarchy.

We boldly express our solidarity to the legitimate desire of parents for their presence at the trial- something which is consistent of their struggles against the state, capital and bosses.






South Revolutionary Cores

from indymediaathens

[Greece] January 21st 2017: Action Day in solidarity with Revolutionary Struggle

The poster reads:

“I am a revolutionary, and I have nothing to apologize for.

Terrorists, criminals, robbers are those who compose the economic and political life; the institutions and governments that, through the memoranda, are waging the most violent, the most heinous attack on the social base in the name of a “way out of the crisis.” Terrorist, criminal, robber is the State and Capital; those whom I fight committed with all my soul to armed struggle, to Revolutionary Struggle; those whom my organization has targeted all these years of our activity.

(…) when the economic and political establishment attacks the social majority in the most merciless way, armed struggle for social revolution is a duty and obligation; because that’s where hope lies and nowhere else. The only hope for a definitive way out of the systemic crisis we are living in this historical period, for a definitive way out of every crisis. It is the only hope towards overturning capitalism, the system that gives birth to crises; the only hope towards overturning the State and Capital.

It is the only hope for an armed counterattack of the social base against a system that crushes them.

It is the only hope towards overthrowing the State and Capital; for Social Revolution.

For a society of economic equality and political freedom for all.”

Pola Roupa

“I am an anarchist, member of the armed revolutionary organization Revolutionary Struggle. The only terrorists are the State and the Capital.”

Konstantina Athanasopoulou

Demonstration in solidarity with Revolutionary Struggle members

Saturday January 21st 2017 at 12:00 in Monastiraki (downtown Athens)




Solidarity Assembly (Athens)

Full text of callout in Greek.

source: contrainfo

Greece: Lambros-Viktoras Maziotis Roupas released from custody – Revolutionary Struggle comrades end hunger & thirst strike

After  4 days of hunger and thirst strike of 3 members of R.O. Revolutionary Struggle( Pola Roupa, Nikos Maziotis and Konstantina Athanasopoulou)we finally see an epilogue:

From InsurectionNews

According to Athens Indymedia a new order was issued by the prosecutor on 08.01.16 terminating the detention of Lambros-Viktoras Maziotis Roupas, the 6 year old son of Revolutionary Struggle members Pola Roupa and Nikos Maziotis, and awarding temporary custody of the child to his grandmother. The child has already left the hospital with his relatives. Comrades Pola Roupa, Nikos Maziotis and Konstantina Athanasopoulou have ended their hunger and thirst strike. A decision on final custody of the child will take place in six months time.


Pola Roupa and Konstantina Athanasopoulou were earlier this day 08.01.2017. transferred to the hospital, because of their health condition during this exhausting battle.

Solidarity actions took place all over Greece during this 4 days – people showing their support and solidarity with various gatherings, protests, letters, banners, graffiti. Also prisoners refuse to go in their cells and some of them wrote solidarity letters to the strikers, as well as other individuals  and organizations that condemned the Government, Minister of Justice, Health, and other responsible persons for holding and kidnapping a child and holding it non-legal in custody institutions isolated.

This precedent in treatment of the 6 year old child has seen as an act of class revenge and hatred to his parents because of their political choices of revolutionary armed struggle, and compares with dictatorship in Latin America as Dimitris Koufodinas, the member of 17N stated.

Solidarity Actions (via InsurectionNews):

07.01.17: Two OPKE (Group of Crime Prevention and Suppression) police vehicles ambushed in Exarcheia, Athens with Molotov cocktails, one OPKE vehicle completely destroyed.

07.01.17: 3 ATMs torched in Thessaloniki

06.01.17: Car torched outside the home of Tassos Tsakiridi, Deputy Mayor for Social Policy in the Neapoli-Sykies Municipality in Thessaloniki

Also on 06.01.17: NEA TV (TV News) station was occupied in Chania, Crete and 8 minute message was transmitted live in solidarity with the 3 imprisoned Revolutionary Struggle members on hunger & thirst strike:

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Statement of anarchist guerrilla Pola Roupa – Starts hunger and thirst strike 05/01/17 after arrest


I Panagiota (Pola) Roupa declare that I was and will be until I die an unrepentant enemy of the system. They have now put the child in the middle of this war and they punish him in order to get revenge against me. They have kidnapped my child and I don’ t know where he is since our arrest in the early morning.
We are at war, it is true. But them fighting against my child, by not allowing me or other close relatives to see him and by threatening to send him to an institution, is the most despicable act in this war. Those who are in the state apparatus are worms because they are fighting against a 6 year old child.
And I want to state that I have now begun a hunger and thirst strike to demand that the child is given to my mother and my sister. As for me I will remain the enemy until I die. And I will never yield. Long live the revolution!
Pola Roupa, 5/1/17
Act for freedom now notes:1547004433_7a4d5d742d_o
In the early morning hours of January 5th 2017, two Revolutionary Struggle members, fugitive comrade Pola Roupa and anarchist Konstantina Athanasopoulou were captured at a southern area of Athens. Anti-terrorist cops raided a hideout with Pola and her six-year-old son inside, while Konstantina was arrested in another house nearby.
After being forcibly removed from his mother, Lambros-Viktoras Maziotis Roupas—the small son of Revolutionary Struggle members Nikos Maziotis and Pola Roupa—is being held captive inside a children’s hospital in Athens guarded by cops…
In response to this, three Revolutionary Struggle members—Nikos Maziotis, the recaptured comrade Pola Roupa and the newly arrested Konstantina Athanasopoulou—have undergone hunger and thirst strike since January 5th, demanding that the six-year-old be immediately placed with his aunt and grandmother.
Konstantina’s statement:
“I am an anarchist, member of the armed revolutionary organization Revolutionary Struggle. The only terrorists are the State and the Capital. I refuse to eat and drink anything until the child of my comrades Pola Roupa and Nikos Maziotis is delivered to relatives of theirs.
Konstantina Athanasopoulou”






The country is a powder keg and needs a fire or a detonator to blow up the capital and the state.



The 3th Memorandum signed by SYRIZA government marked the complete political bankruptcy of the regime of the left and the chimeric aspirations for a more “human” capitalism.

It marked the sinking of the management of the defeat of the social and popular movements for the period 2010-2012 which attempted SYRIZA after taking office last January. This whole period until the adoption of the third memorandum is a time expected concessions – for those who had no illusions – where the campaign promises to repeal or renegotiation of the Memorandum and partial mowing the debt with the parallel pursuit of a politics of relieving the poor first follow the agreement of February 20 which extended the second memorandum and came despite the disapproval of 62% of the people in the referendum of July 5 rejecting the proposals of the creditors, in passing the third memorandum wich is much harder than the measures rejected in the referendum.

From the “red” lines SYRIZA passed within a few months in complete retreat and acceptance of the creditors, the acceptance of a Memorandum much more hard than that wich would have voted the previous government of Samaras.

“First time left” and humiliation of the will of the social majority to get rid of the memoranda and politics that wants him serf of markets is has no precedent.

“First time left” and there was not shorter and sensational denial and betrayal of the expectations that governments in the political annals.

“First time left” and the Troika converted into institutions came officially quadripartite, since outside the EU, the ECB and the IMF are the real masters of the country involved and the European Stability Mechanism (ESM) by which the SYRIZA government requested new loan agreement and signed the third memorandum.

“First time left” and robbery against the people and the poor continues to further reduce wages and pensions, increasing the retirement age, rough taxation, by accepting the privatization of public property. The regime continues deservedly left politics of social genocide launched in 2010 by the Papandreou government with the first memorandum and continued by the Samaras government with the second memorandum.

The names of Tsipras, Varoufakis, Dragasaki, Skourletis, Pappas Voutsis, Lafazani added to the list of criminals politicians such as Papandreou and Venizelos, Papaconstantinou Loverdos Chrisochoïdis, Samara, Mitsotakis, Vroutsi, Georgiadis and others acted as dummies of the transnational economic elite.

With the passage of the third memorandum, SYRIZA signed in reality his political bankruptcy and condemnation since in order to bring the new agreement with its creditors for approval based itself more on the votes of the opposition pro-European parties ND, of Potamos, PASOK, led to a split which forced to proclamation an early election on 20 September.

These developments demonstrate the denigration of bourgeois parlamentarism and that the political system is more destabilized than ever.

The social majority, the hungry, the poor, the destitute, the unemployed, the homeless, workers, youth do not have to hope nothing from these elections. As I said before referring to the previous elections of January 2015, the solution is not to give the elections but the armed people.

No one has to hope anything from criminals of political parties, the dummies and puppets of the transnational economic elites and the European Union, their applicators of memoranda No one has to hope anything from the new “anti-memorandum saviors” that emerged from the breakup of SYRIZA, the Democratic Unity, the former left tendency of SYRIZA supporters the adoption of national currency that appear to be consistent anti-memorandum

They are the same insolvent and unreliable as insolvent and unreliable was Syriza, long before taking power when it appeared with an anti-memorandum rhetoric and an unrealistic social democratic and keinsianist  program. These developments, the new left Memorandum justify the prediction of the Revolutionary Struggle for the transformation of SYRIZA into a neoliberal party long before come to power. With almost all the political parties being discredited, with PASOK and ANEL not far from being parties endangered by SYRIZA to bankrupt within seven months and becomes a purely neoliberal party with ND has shrunk because of the second memorandum, the LA.E. not persuaded by adopting the old unworkable Social Democrats program of SYRIZA, with a large part of society has turned its back on the political system by abstaining from electoral illusions and without any chance of a majority government, the country is in a status of permanent political instability which those who want the revolutionary overthrow should exploit.

The bankruptcy of SYRIZA dispelled illusions about solving social problems due to the crisis within the existing system. After saving the system requires the enslavement and winding sections of the population.

The country is a powder keg and needs a fire or a detonator to blow up the capital and the state.

The fact that the 3rd left Memorandum passed within the general social apathy with minimal coming down the street on July 15 and conflicts made on 22 July, is the result of the deadlock of major social and popular movements of the period of the First Memorandum 2010-2012 , deadlock due to the lack of perspective and proposals for the revolutionary overthrowing the capital and the state and the absence political military organization that  will attempt to implement the overturn, ie of a revolutionary movement. But this situation should not disappoint us.

Revolutionaries never  acted waiting for the masses to rise up spontaneously or be mobilized, but they scratched their way first giving the example of the racing action and taking advantage of the turmoil of the social base. They have never remained more favorable objective conditions for action, fight for revolution because of the devaluation and instability of the regime and they were never  in poorer subjective conditions, apathy, deadlocks, resignation due to a lack of perspective and hope.

Our duty is to act in order to change the unfavorable conditions, to inspire hope and strength to revolt and overturn. This action consists in destabilizing and undermining already unstable system, the sabotage of the ruling policy, the implementation of memoranda and rescue plans.

The sabotage of the policy that targets investments of transnational capital in the country and privatizations and selling out of public property, sabotage the ongoing social banditry and genocide.

The adoption of dynamic forms of action, of the guerrilla, of armed struggle is necessary choice for the sabotage of the ruling politics. Bombings or armed action on a massive scale, in offices, facilities, structures and persons of government and of local and transnational capital may further destabilize the regime, to prevent investments and the selling out of public property, to make the country unsafe for investors of the transnational capital.

Our struggle over the adoption of the guerrilla and the armed struggle with other forms of action such combative protests as of this July 15th, squats or relief actions of socially weak and vulnerable, may have social and popular acceptance and footholds on the path to revolutionary overthrow.

But the overthrow of capitalist power and the State can only be done by recourse to arms, the armed occupation of enemy strongholds, parliament, ministries, banks, the Bank of Greece and the disarming of police stations.

In an era when  illusions are dissolved, the armed social revolution is the only way. To save ourselves from social genocide imposed by the transnational economic elites and the state.

To avoid counting others dead from suicides, diseases, lack of basic goods. To prevent children faint from hunger and malnutrition.

To abolish social classes and the state.

To socialize everything, the wealth.

To live with dignity and to take life in our hands.

Let us not deceive ourselves that all this can be done having no targets, spearhead, unable to socialize our project, limited to a sterile rebellion or having alternative illusions concerning peripheral self-managed “islands of freedom” and endeavors that will surround the state and will wipe out the market economy.

Let us not deceive ourselves that all this can be done without risking our lives for freedom … Because as history has shown the tree of freedom in order to develop is watered with blood.



Nikos Maziotis, member of the Revolutionary Struggle

Korydallos Prison





The Anarchist Nikos Romanos is one of us. He is one of those like us who rebelled against authority, against the law and order that wants people servants, of nationals and obedient, is the one who introduced what “law and order” is with the murder of his friend Alexandros Grigoropoulos by the dogs of the state Korkonea and Saralioti.

Comrade Romanos is not of those who confiscate the homes and property of the people as does the bank expropriated and sentenced. He did not find the laws to earn as we have politicians ethnic fathers robbing and murdering the people and workers to make the rich richer. He did not steal the salary and pension of any poor breadwinner as they do this with laws multinationals, bankers and businessmen servants, governments and parliamentarians. Did not found the laws depriving the bite out of the mouth of the poor the laws that kills and leads to suicide of  thousands of people, causing them to eat from garbage and sleep on the streets. Comrade Romanos is of those who are faced with dignity with the blows received from the slaves of the state and of the rich who are paid a seven hundred euros per month for the miserable job.

On Monday, November 10, the comrade has begun a hunger strike demanding the right to make use of the educational leave. Nikos Romanos such as Iraklis Kostaris doing hunger strike for the same reason are among the dozens of political prisoners and imprisoned fighters who are currently in Greek prisons at a time when the social policy of genocide that are imposed by capital and the state with occasion of the economic crisis linked with hardening repression in general and especially towards other inmates fighters many of whose are members of the armed revolutionary organizations and accused for armed struggle. The legislating of prisons type C with special detention conditions primarily for political prisoners and imprisoned fighters fits into this context. Every prisoner companion is one of us, so we consider that we are joining the fight for Freedom, the struggle for Social Liberation from the yoke of capital and the state, then the assertion of a claim is all.

Nikos Maziotis member of Revolutionary Struggle

prisons Diavaton


*translate: R.S.

Text of N.Mazioti to the special appellate investigator



As I stated after my arrest on July 16, members of the Revolutionary Struggle does not apologize to the dogs of the state, ie the cops and judges mercenaries and servants of the rich and capital. I never apologized many times they tried and imprisoned me, because in reality me and the organization I belong to, the Revolutionary Struggle we are the prosecutors and you are the defendants. Those who was sentenced me to 50 years in prison, those with a bounty of 1,000,000 euros, those who imprisoned me to judge me again, do it on behalf of the rich, the supranational capital of the IMF, the EU and the ECB on behalf of lenders and banks who drink the blood of the Greek people. If we want to put things in their place, those who accuse me are the real criminals and terrorists. Those members of a structured criminal and terrorist organization called state commit crimes against the people, commit crimes against humanity. They are responsible for mass killings of civilians since the social policy of genocide and euthanasia implemented, led 4000 people to suicide. It resulted in deaths from diseases, the lack of medicines, deprivation of medical treatment, from malnutrition. They are responsible because their politics has led an entire population to poverty misery and humiliation. It resulted in thousands of people searching the garbage to eat or depend on soup kitchens. Thousands of people are homeless because they lost their homes and their property due debts and seizures by banks. It resulted in thousands of people searching the garbage to eat or depend on soup kitchens. The capital and the state murdering and robbing the people as well as the judges, and security forces are accomplices of these crimes. That is why all of these, the capitalists and their political agents, members of the Governments and parliamentarians who voted and supported the memorandum agreements should sit on the figurine to stand trial and to apologize, and it will be done only if a Social Revolution overturn the criminal status. Only an armed people throw them out of power.

Nikos Maziotis

Member of the Revolutionary struggle

Prison Diavaton



Text of Nikos Maziotis for the formation of Solidarity Assembly


The text below Nikos Maziotis, member of Revolutionary Struggle, suggests creation of meeting of solidarity for all political detainees and prisoners fighters.
Text below from Nikos Maziotis, member of Revolutionary Struggle, to the open assembly of Anarchists / anti-authoritarians against the specific conditions of detention in which proposes the transformation in a solidarity meeting for all political detainees and prisoners fighters. At the same time an open call to all comrades and companions of the anarchist / antiauthoritarian domain to participate and support this endeavor.
In the short term will announce the date and location where will be the first meeting to explore possibilities to set up Solidarity Assembly.
The text is sent to all political detainees and imprisoned fighters.
Comrades – companions, this text address you concerning prisons type C, and my proposal for the transformation of that meeting as much as concerns the issue of solidarity.
Comrades – companions, passing legislation of the prison type C is an expected development in the repressive attack of the state against the armed Revolutionary Organizations, against armed action. Subsequently the legislative changes and reforms that have been under way for about 14 years is directly linked to the political and economic conditions, applicable for years internationally, and none other than the “war on terror” and the neoliberal reforms intended to impose the dictatorship of the markets, its doctorate of supranational capital.
As Revolutionary Struggle, since the beginning of our activities in 2003, I believe that we properly analyze the political and economic conditions in the early nineties when we started our activities, conditions relating to the globalization of the capitalist system. Both the “war on terror” launched in 2001 following the attacks on the United States , and the neoliberal reforms that conduced and were designed dictatorship of transnational capital is not only the economic and civilian-relevant nature of globalization. The system, therefore, in order to impose the dictatorship of markets proceeds at increasingly harder crackdown tends more and more totalitarian.
In Greece the same year we opened the Greek economy to transnational capital after so-called scandal of 1999. The stock market integration in EMU, in the Eurozone in 2002. It is therefore no coincidence that at the same period, even to lag behind Western Europe and the US, the Greek State is proceeding to legislate the first anti-terrorism law in 2001, the law Stathopoulos. The law was voted after pressure from the US and Britain and targeted members of the armed Revolutionary Organizations and more specifically the 17.N, which was the only guerrilla organization active at that time. This law was named “law against organized crime” and it was done with obvious purpose to serve the tactics of the state, trying to deconstruct the political characteristics of armed revolutionary organizations, to depoliticize and clean of ideological language action and to present them as a ordinary criminal offenders . Under this law are accused all been on trial for 17November and ELA in 2003 and 2004 respectively.
Despite the fact, however, that this law targeted members of the armed Revolutionary Organizations, the state uses the hardening for general of law enforcement regarding illegal incriminations, who condemned the aggravating provision for “criminal organization” posing almost disuse incorrecttional the device of “conspiracy.” And this has resulted in an increase of total sentences. But do not confuse cause and effect. The law Stathopoulos, the first anti-terrorism, was made primarily for members of the armed revolutionary organizations, but the result has been generalized to apply to cases of organized delinquency.
Three years later, in 2004, the law Papaligoura, during the government of Karamanlis and New Democracy, the second anti-terrorism law, is to clarify things after talking about “setting up a terrorist organization” and “terrorist acts”, which “in a manner and to an extent circumstances, it is possible to harm the country and destroying the fundamental constitutional political and economic structures of the country.” Despite the fact that the system does not recognize political enemies, the law Papaligoura recognizes the existence and activity of armed organizations that threaten the fundamental constitutional, political and economic structures of the country thereby bringing political reality features in the action. The same law is also aggravating the device of “address terrorist organization” in order both to increase the penalty for those accused and convicted as directors or heads of “terrorist organization” and to confirm the status that there is no other form of social organization apart from the existing hierarchical organization of today’s society, dominated by capital and the state. Under the law Papaligoura, who was voted after US pressure on the eve of the Olympic Games in 2004, made all the trials of armed Revolutionary Organizations in both the Revolutionary Struggle and the Conspiracy of Cells of Fire.
The lawmaking thus for prisons type C is the coherence and consistency of the two anti-terrorism rules of 2001 and 2004, and the 2003 law that establishes international cooperation in police and judicial level in the field of counter-revolutionary armed action between Greece, the European Union and the US. This law fills a gap in Greek repressive policies and is made to align with the European Union and the US, as in Europe and the US apart from the anti-terror laws that are from the 70s and 80s when many countries facing serious problem due to action of armed Revolutionary Organizations, there are prisons with special detention regime for members of these organizations.
The same happened in Turkey in the early 2000s prior where prisons were built – type F, primarily for members of the leftist Revolutionary Organizations engaged in armed struggle, and we all remember the struggle of prisoners members of these organizations who were on hunger strike to death or set themself on fire to prevent their transfer to prisons F.
We should make A / A space to do the obvious and see things objectively. The C-type prisons are primarily for those accused of armed struggle, whether assume political responsibility for their participation in organizations belonging to or deny the allegations. And this does not detract from the fact that in these prisons they will keep convicts serving long sentences and other offenders who have been convicted by the Law “criminal organization”. It is completely inappropriate that a written text of the Convention on the C-type prisons “to construct the guilty.” Let us not seek some idioma where there are none. The lawsuits are against comrades for participating in a “terrorist organization” for “terrorist acts”, which could harm fundamental constitutional, political and economic structures of the country, trials are aimed at specific sentencing armed revolutionary organizations at a time, and this regardless of whether these trials are comrades who deny the charges. Being an anarchist is not a sui generis at least for now.
However, both the anti-terrorism legislation and the prison in which they intend to isolate us give a clear signal to the A / A space and society from the side of the state. That whoever chose the armed struggle as a form of action will have a predatory criminal treatment, if arrested, and kept in a special status such as C-type prisons, and that’s why the state is aware of the hazards of armed struggle, especially in the conditions of the global economic crisis that has erupted in 2008 when the regime, the economic and political system is legitimized in, which has lost the social consensus enjoyed before the crisis, and because in these conditions the armed struggle is subversive and destabilizing factor for the system . And this regime have confessed factors referring to the Revolutionary Struggle and were arrested in 2010 when for the first time with the recent arrest of Anarchist Anthony Stamboulou accused of participation in the Revolutionary Struggle where the Minister of Public Order Vassilis Kikilias connect direct action or the threat hits of the organization with the destabilization of the system in a particularly sensitive time for it.
The legislating prison type C as consistency and continuity of the state repressive attack against militants who have opted for armed struggle, intended to break them through the isolation of members of the armed revolutionary organizations and those accused of involvement in these organizations, are intended degrade them as political entities and to elicit statements and renunciation of armed struggle
While in Greece through the recent reforms to the prison of type C, the changes in the penal code and criminal procedure relating to the armed struggle, there are no such rules in Italy provided the disclaimer while providing information to alleviate the position of the prisoner this would pursue here a more indirect way. Staying in prisons type C in addition the minimum of four years under the law will regard the unrepentant after the prosecutor who will determine the continuation or not of a residence after four years, will decide on not only on importance of the acts but also of the character and personality of the prisoner. It therefore goes without saying that anyone who is unrepentant and irremovable in the options to which struggle was in prison would consider a threat to public order and security, and will be extended indefinitely in detention in prisons type C by the end of his sentence.
The action against the prison of type C can only be part of solidarity with all political prisoners and imprisoned fighters located in the Greek jails and prisons of type C. This is regardless on diversity of cases, whether the prisoners have taken political responsibility for their participation in the organizations they belong or belonged or accused of involvement in guerrilla organizations and deny the charges, whether anarchists accused of bank expropriations.
Companions, comrades just because the action against prisons type C can only be a part of solidarity with all political prisoners and prisoners fighters I propose the transformation of the Assembly for C-type prisons in a solidarity meeting for all political prisoners and prisoners fighters , not only to those convicted or accused of involvement in armed rebel groups but also comrades and companions that faced state repression of other forms of struggle, demonstrations, sit-ins, street clashes with police.
It is contradictory and paradoxical to mobilize against a prison type, and can not show solidarity with their fellow prisoners for the C-type prisons. It is a serious political deficit there are dozens of political prisoners and imprisoned fighters and not a solidarity meeting for them. Solidarity is a political position and attitude. It is a key element of a movement or a political space that wants to have kinematic characteristics. Solidarity means that the detained militants and forms of struggle they chose for this and have been in prison are part of the common struggle, of the struggle for the revolution for anarchy and communism. Solidarity means that we believe that the armed struggle and guerrilla warfare is part of the struggle and movement for the Social Revolution. Anyone who disagrees with this principle, there can not be in solidarity or play with solidarity with his companions and comrades who are prison and advocating armed struggle as an option struggle.
This does not mean that solidarity, the space or the movement can not do critics on the positions of the reason or for actions of armed Revolutionary Organizations, provided such criticism is made in good faith with a purely political arguments rather than mud, hybris and aphorisms . To ultimately prove that “solidarity is not a identification” is sincere and not an excuse and those who disagree condemn the armed struggle and guerrilla warfare, but to have the political courage to say so openly and publicly and selective ‘solidarity’ for those who claim innocent and deny the charges, while turning their backs on those who advocate armed struggle and assume political responsibility for their participation in the organizations they belong to.
Solidarity is not selective because otherwise there is no solidarity. Solidarity has criteria personal, friendly, relatives or family. Solidarity is not the distinction between the innocent and the guilty, not the distinction between assumptions of organizations or individuals. Solidarity does not make distinctions between Anarchists and Communists prisoners, nor has national characteristics. Solidarity is not the separation of the forms of struggle, the promotion of the dipole ” mass or armed struggle”, “legality or illegality”, the separation of armed struggle and the movement, or the dividing line between “confrontational but non-armed track of anarchy ‘and “armed anarchist section.” I repeat that solidarity has only one political criterion, that prisoners and forms of action chosen as the armed struggle, guerrilla and any other form of action that were found in prison is part of the common struggle and movement for the overthrow of capital and the state, for Social Revolution. Those who does not apply this criterion are informers and renouncers like Corcis who denounced companions in case of N17, without pressure, violence and torture and Giotopoulos condemning the action of 17 N in court.
I therefore propose to transform the Assembly for C-type prisons in solidarity meeting for political prisoners and imprisoned fighters. Not only those imprisoned for armed action but also for any form of struggle. The solidarity actions of this assembly it is logical that they shall include it in their activities in relation to C-type prisons.
It’s time to put each partner and each comrade in front of their responsibilities and take a clear and explicit position on the issue of solidarity. Any subterfuge demonstrates that solidarity is not only a weapon, but that is a word empty of content. It’s a corpse in the mouth enough. So I invite all companions and comrades inside and outside of prison to take a stand and put them politically to open up a dialogue on the proposal to create solidarity assembly.
If Anarchist – antiauthoritarian space wants to forget the prisoners of the state and let them just rot in jail and then forgets the same struggle.

Nikos Maziotis, member of Revolutionary Struggle
Prison Diavaton


Thessaloniki: Claim of responsibility for a bank arson (Greece)

Act for freedom now! receives:

When the enemy seems to be standing up well and uses all means to crash anything opposite, then the attack towards him, his symbols and infrastructures is the only way. Wherever we look we see various types of authority, either called cop, judge either called school, bank, church, prison. Institutions of a rotten system that every day remind us that we are not free. Their real value will be shown with their destruction and through ashes and wreckage their beauty will be shown. No more compromises fit here right now. Their place should be taken over by determination and continuous struggle.

In the undeclared war which is taking place, when there isn’t direct usage of weapons, then other means are mobilised in order to hit the mind and the soul of every unrepentant revolutionary.

The new high security prisons are aiming right at that, his extermination. When its their turn, judges and prosecutors give revengeful long sentences. Prosecutor Olga Smirli confirmed her role at the trial for the ATE bank (now Pireaus Bank) in Pyrgetos Larisa giving away 16 years to G.NAXAKIS and G.SARAFOUDIS, with the only evidence being their political identity.

Either the two comrades participated in the robbery, either not, we are with them and we dedicate them the attack on Pireaus Bank on the early hours of the 10th of September in Sykies, Thessaloniki. This act is a small sign of solidarity and a message that everything continues…

Lets fight, everyone in their own way, forcefully, with the means that they have, till the end, until total liberation.




Text from Nikos Maziotis, member of the Revolutionary Struggle, concerning the event at Athens National Technical University on “Armed War, Revolutionary Movement and Social Revolution”

Also see: Announcement of K*VOX occupied space, Exarxia, Athens.

On Friday 17th, October there was a public political event held in the National Technical University of Athens, from the comrades of the Vox Social Center, onArmed War, Revolutionary Movement and Social Revolution, during which I was going to speak through the phone from Diavata prison, as a member of the anarchist organization Revolutionary Struggle.

This public political event intended to highlight the huge value of the armed struggle, as an inextricable part of the struggle for the overthrow of the capital and the state, its inseparable connection with the revolutionary movement, the necessity of the armed social revolution under the current conditions, when the system is still in crisis and is illegitimized in the eyes of the society and by the people’s majority. Let me remind that a similar public political event was held on October 9th from the comrades of Terra Incognita squat in the Aristotle University of Thessaloniki, where I had talked through the phone.

One day before the event in the National Technical University in Athens, one of the most known executioners of the Greek people, one of the most zealous submissives of the super-national elite and creditors and fans of the political and social genocide applied in order the capital system to be rescued and a parliamentary representative of the New Democracy, Adonis Georgiadis, asks for an intervention so as the event in the NTU where I was going to speak from the Diavata prison to be forbidden.

In fact, after a political intervention, an order was given to the direction of the Diavata prison and, in particular, to the director Stavropoulos and the warden Valsamis, so as the 8 telephones of the prison’s ground floor where I am detained, were to be switched off, in order for me not to be able to make a phone call and speak to the Athens NTU. The telephones of the prison’s ground floor were switched off from the midday opening of the prison, from 2.15 to 7.45 when the prison is locked for the night, illegally depriving the right of not only for me but for about 200 prisoners as well, to make a phone call. At first, the wardens claimed that the telephones were damaged. The same things were also claimed by the warden Valsamis to the 4-member prisoner’s delegation in which I took part too. In front of the prisoners I answered to him that he was lying and that the deprivation of the right to communicate is illegal. The warden’s response was to terrorize and put pressure on the prisoners not to come in touch with me and not to enter my cell because this is illegal.

This in not the first time that the warden Valsamis has called prisoners into his office in order to interrogate them on what they are talking about with me, or press them not to have any communication with me. At last, the warden Valsamis confessed to a representative of the Albanian prisoners of the ground floor with whom he had a private discussion in his office that he had an order to switch off all the telephones for three hours and he threatened at the same time that in case the prisoners kept protesting, he would put the MAT ([riot] unit for the rehabilitation of order) in prison.

At last, their “democracy” proves to be scared despite their claiming the opposite. Their democracy makes prophylactic policy movements of political censorship just as the fascists regimes do. Because, as Revolutionary Struggle has said, the current regime is a fascist one. We have lived for years in the fascism of Troika, of the International Monetary Fund, of the European Commission and of the European Central Bank. We live in the the fascism of the economical super-national elite. We live in the fascism of the Greek Quisling governments, which bow to the markets and the creditors of the super-national elite.

This action of their switching off the telephones of the Diavata prison’s ground floor so as I am not able to speak proves that the regime is afraid of the Revolutionary Struggle. For 12 years the Greek regime, the Greek state, the local and super-national elite, the political system is afraid of the Revolutionary Struggle. They are afraid of its actions, afraid of its words. They are afraid of its powerful political messages it sends out. They are afraid of the Revolutionary Struggle’s call to the people, for the subversion and the revolution. They are afraid of the Revolutionary Struggle’s call for the creation of a movement which will try out a subversion of Capital and the State. They are afraid of the destabilizing actions of the Revolutionary Struggle which are aimed against the economical and the political system. They are afraid of the prisoners who are members of the organization, they are afraid of me, who is an injured prisoner, with my right hand broken; a one-hand-disabled in fact. However, as the comrade Pola Roupa said through the interventional text she sent to the October 17th event, “besides the number of bullets they are going to shoot us with, we are not going to bend”.

The regime has admitted at least two times to be afraid of the Revolutionary Struggle, it was once in 2010 when we were arrested one day before the signing of the first Memorandum, when they claimed that “A big terrorist attack will end the economy within a few hours” and now with the arrest of the anarchist comrade Antonis Stamboulos, when the Minister of Public Order stated that “The national effort for the termination of crisis for the country significantly requires the consolidation of a security environment, both on a local and on an international basis. The ensuring of that is a national duty and a primary priority of the government”, directly connecting the Revolutionary Struggle’s actions with the destabilizing role they can play. The same thing happened the previous April with the attack to Mario Draghi’s, the Central European banker’s department, to the Supervision Department of the Bank of Greece, where the office of the representative of the IMF in Greece was also accommodated.

The event of the October 17th, despite the fact that I wasn’t able to speak, was held with success, with the participation of hundreds of comrades. Of an equal success was the event in Thessaloniki in October 9th too. Whatever they do, they won’t manage to shut our mouths. Besides the number of bullets they are going to shoot us with, what they prove is that they are afraid of us, besides the number of counter terrorist laws they are going to create, what they prove is that they are afraid of us. Besides the number of maximum security prisons they are going to build, what they prove is that they are afraid of us. They are going to be afraid of us, even when we are dead. Let me assure them, that the comrades will get the words and the political messages I want to send, in October 31st when the event is going to take place again, in the NTU in Athens.

Nikos Maziotis
Member of the Revolutionary Struggle
Diavata prison


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