Category Archives: US
Bloomington, Indiana: Sabotage in memory of Lambros Foundas (USA)

We send strength to all anarchist combatants held captive in the dungeons of the Greek state.

We send solidarity to all those facing the state’s latest attacks against squatters, anarchists, and refugees: we are inspired by your refusal to be paralyzed.

via insurrection news

Received on 15.03.17:

A few nights ago we sabotaged about 50 parking meters by gluing their locks, coin slots, and card readers. This was a simple act which took no specialized skill. Get some superglue, cover your face, keep your eyes peeled for cops or loyal citizens, and act.

These parking meters were targeted because they fund the Bloomington Police Department and because they force people to pay to be downtown. We hate the police and we hate gentrification and class society, so we chose to attack them.

We act as a gesture of combative memory for Lambros Foundas, anarchist of Revolutionary Struggle killed by the forces of the Greek state on March 10, 2010. Our memory is not one of passive mourning or martyrdom, but of active struggle against the state, capital, and domination in all of its forms. The flame of Lambros’ life kept us warm as we walked through the winter night, and we will carry that flame with us in all parts of our lives, which are lived at war with this society of masters and slaves.

We send strength to all anarchist combatants held captive in the dungeons of the Greek state.

We send solidarity to all those facing the state’s latest attacks against squatters, anarchists, and refugees: we are inspired by your refusal to be paralyzed.

For Lambros
Long live anarchy

Do Riots Work? Parts I + II

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In the past several months since the streets of the so-called United States of America were set alight by riots after the murder of black teenager Mike Brown by a white police officer, an increasing number of people seem to be asking the question: do riots work?

In answering, people tend to look at the historical connection between violent unrest and the government granting concessions afterwards. While this connection is certainly very real, it misses some key aspects and drastically reduces the scope of what we might consider a so-called “victory.” The federal investigation into the Ferguson Police Department would likely never had occurred if not for the sustained unrest throughout 2014. The rioting that took place after a BART police officer murdered Oscar Grant is often credited with the officer’s arrest and subsequent conviction (however lenient.) Fear of further rioting in Birmingham is said to have prompted the federal government to pass the Civil Rights Act of 1964. And if the federal investigation, the conviction of a police officer, or the passing of legislation is what is sought after, then surely, the riots work. But we want much more than that; we desire the downfall of the capitalist-white-supremacist-patriarchal social order.

This thought process has emerged in reaction to the obscuring of violent (for lack of a better word) conflict in favor of a white-washed, pacifist history of struggle. Oftentimes liberals and others wishing to preserve social peace suggest that all struggles that were successful primarily utilized non-violent tactics. It may be tempting to accept the above framework as a response, but we do so at our own peril.

A more important question might ask why rioting is suddenly caught in this recuperative scheme. Before, the state was satisfied with repression coupled with the spreading of “outside agitator” narratives to isolate potential rioters. But since the Ferguson uprisings, the tactic has become more generalized. As a decreasing amount of people are put off by riots, and thus the strategy of erasing its potential must be shifted.

When the success of rioting is framed in terms of concessions won, it replaces the revolutionary nature of the riot with the agenda of reform. It becomes simply one of many tools in the activist’s toolkit to achieve “social change.” Want to pressure your elected officials? Riot. Revolutionaries seem to be misled by this newfound appreciation for formerly-condemned tactics and are excited for a culture that accepts and even supports not-so-civil disobedience. But when we agree to this framework, we only sacrifice this growing potential.

After periods of unrest, self-styled radicals often claim that violent tactics were the only way to grab media attention, to bring an issue to light, or the only way to make those in power listen. And this is not untrue. Those in power certainly only listen when they are being threatened, and rioting offers people a way to threaten power. But when a political solution is offered—the federal investigation, the indictment, etc.—it is not a reward for rising up, it is an attempt at de-escalation, at counter-insurgency. This is key to understanding the connection between uprisings and concessions.

In exchange for restoring social peace, the state offers superficial solutions to the underlying problems that caused people to riot in the first place. Rioters return to their homes, feeling accomplished while nothing fundamentally changes. Heralding these concessions as sincere accomplishments not only obscures their recuperative effect, but also mistakes them for genuinely progressive solutions. No amount of “bad apple” cops locked up could possibly end the oppression found in the very existence of police and prisons. No amount of legislation can replace the need to completely dismantle the state structure.

For riots to truly “work,” we must abandon the framework of the activist, and recognize the concessions of the state as what they truly are: attempts at recuperation. Each riot offers us the opportunity to find each other and act collectively, appropriating everything around us that was built for the functioning of capitalism for our own needs, or else do away with it. It is only through sustaining moments of rebellion that we might catch a glimpse of sincere success.

Part II: Blocking Politics

Written almost a year ago, “Do Riots Work? Exploring New Frontiers of Recuperation” attempted to clarify a misconception of the so-called ‘post-Ferguson era.’ It addressed the tendency to frame riots as a means to achieve reforms as a response to pacifism, and claimed that doing so actually forecloses revolutionary possibilities. Since then, the task of further elaboration has proven itself more crucial than expected.

Referring specifically to rioting missed the opportunity to address a related development. In the past year or so, rioting has not spread nearly as much as ‘disciplined militancy.’ Christmas 2015 in particular was marked with several actions by organizations such as Black Seed and various Black Lives Matter chapters that spectacularly shut down highways, airports, bridges, and more. Activists carry out bigger and more impressive disruptions that mirror the uprisings following the acquittal of George Zimmerman or the murder of Mike Brown, but remain within the traditional political framework. While some see this as a “refinement” or evolution of the latter spontaneous actions, it could more accurately be described as the capturing of what was previously uncontrollable. Instead of agitated crowds chucking proverbial wrenches into the gears of the nearest capitalist infrastructure, activists carefully craft a spectacular event for mass consumption. The latter follows the activist logic of consciousness-raising through media-centric protest, perhaps inherently so. These actions interrupt the functioning of society only as required to draw attention to their grievance or cause.

The nature of demands has been more thoroughly explored elsewhere, but put simply: any engagement with those in power to address our problems simultaneously reinforces their power. I refer to this as politics. To take action that seeks no concessions or even recognition from power, that advances our own position in a material way, is sometimes called destitution.

A typical anarchist reaction to the actions carried out by these activists usually involves suggesting less controlled, more confrontational actions instead—but as discussed in the original piece, this doesn’t truly get to the heart of the matter. More destructive actions can still be captured by politics if politics itself is not confronted. However, the future depicted in “Do Riots Work?” has not yet come to pass: rioting and it’s associated tactics (property destruction, street fighting, looting) have not yet entered the mainstream tactical array of activists in the United States.

While anarchists in the United States are familiar with a left that represents the pacifist middle ground between themselves and the far right, it appears more likely that it’s function will evolve to capturing tactical escalations within the political terrain. Instead of, or even complimentary to, fighting against escalations of militancy, it will attempt to make those actions legible to power, to explain them politically.

More and more are becoming frustrated with the plainly ineffective rallies and parades, it would be a mistake for the left to forfeit its own legitimacy so easily by abstaining from militancy which has become increasingly popular. Conceding a moderate amount of damage is a small price for preserving the social control of politics.

I therefore propose the following hypothesis: it will be worth more in the long run to push the analytical framework of destitution rather than trying to escalate from within a political logic.

If we set our sights on the social order in it’s entirety, the tactical maturity will follow. There is no reason to remain devoted to pacifist tactics when one stops appealing to the state or the ‘masses.’

Of course, the importance of desitution is about more than tactics, it is about making insurrections irreversible. How else could order be restored, without the legitimacy of politics? Undermining this legitimacy is the only way to prevent a return to normality. Satisfying demands—or, all too often, simply the promise to satisfy the demands in the future—can easily halt revolt in it’s tracks.

When we find ourselves in these situations—in riots, in blockades, in uprisings—we don’t simply get to choose the character that it takes. For this reason, we must find ways to intervene in these political movements to push the tensions at anti-political fault lines within these events. Politicians of all sorts must be resisted and their programs sabotaged, laying bare their attempts to preserve life as we know it—while sowing the seeds of destitution.

We also need to operate outside of them to maximize our potential. There is no denying the material consequences of attacks or blockades regardless of their political nature. A shut down highway is a shut down highway, a burnt police station is a burnt police station. When activists carry out their theatrical actions, it could be an opportune moment to paralyze another node of the metropolis. Not because our struggle is the same, but to spread the fires of revolt.

A Short Post Script

Whilst the primary focus of both essays dealt primarily with recuperation of confrontational tactics from the left, there are more reasons to dis-identify tactics from motivations.

As should be clear, shared tactics have little relation to a shared project—and often enough the opposite is the case. The re-emergent far-right in Europe (and more often in the U.S. as well) has found itself capable of breaking windows and torching refugee housing, while various authoritarian factions have joined popular uprisings from Kiev to Cairo. Many have observed that this decade’s revolts appear to belong to a single trajectory, but the conclusion that we are all partisans of insurrection together is a false one—even if some refuse to admit it.

This thinking is best represented by the recent video A Resolution, which is a short propaganda film that calls people to action, but shies away from putting forth any position. Simply anyone fighting “for freedom” or “for the Earth” should join up together and get organized. The omission of any discernible ideological grounding is further complicated by the inclusion of footage from movements that took a heavily right-wing character.

We must be absolutely clear: we are not simply advocating for certain tactics, we intend to see the end of domination.

We Do Not Fear Anarchy – We Invoke It

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AK Press now has a graphic for the cover of my forthcoming book, “We Do Not Fear Anarchy – We Invoke It”: The First International and the Origins of the Anarchist Movement. I have already posted a few excerpts on this blog. The book should be out next Spring. Here, I set forth some excerpts from the Introduction, where I provide a definition of anarchism based on the way the anarchists in the International conceived it. The quote in the title, “We do not fear anarchy – we invoke it,” is from Bakunin.

Defining Anarchism

During his polemics within the International against the “authoritarians” and “bourgeois socialists,” Bakunin set forth six primary grounds for distinguishing his anarchism from the views of his opponents: first, his rejection of any kind of institutional, coercive authority (anti-authoritarianism); second, his opposition to the modern state, even as a “transitional” power to abolish capitalism (anti-statism); third, his opposition to any participation in existing systems of government or “bourgeois politics” (anti-parliamentarianism); fourth and fifth, his advocacy of voluntary federation during the struggle against capitalism and the state and in a post-revolutionary society (federalism), so that the revolutionary means were consistent with the revolutionary ends (libertarianism); and sixth, his call for the immediate abolition of the state and capitalism by means of direct action, including insurrection and the expropriation by the workers themselves of the means of production (social revolution).

In identifying Proudhon as an anarchist, Bakunin focused on Proudhon’s critique of the state and private property, Proudhon’s opposition to the authoritarian politics of the Jacobins and any sort of “revolutionary” dictatorship, and Proudhon’s concept of “agro-industrial federation,” a libertarian form of socialism wherein the state and capitalism are replaced by voluntary federations of agricultural, industrial and communal organizations with no central authority above them. Where he differed from Proudhon was in his advocacy of insurrection and expropriation and in his rejection of Proudhon’s view that capitalism and the state could be gradually supplanted through the creation and ever widening expansion of voluntary associations of workers, peasants, professionals and other functional groups with access to free credit through their own credit unions, or “people’s bank.”

Following Bakunin’s approach, anarchism, whether his, Proudhon’s or someone else’s, can be distinguished from other doctrines on the basis of its anti-authoritarianism, anti-statism, anti-parliamentarianism, federalism, libertarianism and advocacy of direct action. Bakunin included Proudhon in the anarchist camp despite Proudhon’s opposition to insurrection and expropriation and his gradualist approach. Bakunin recognized that despite these differences Proudhon was still an anarchist. Both advocated direct action, but with Proudhon emphasizing non-violent direct action that would gradually hollow out existing institutions and replace them with voluntary agro-industrial federations.

While Proudhon and Bakunin were both proponents of “social” revolution, Proudhon’s social revolution was conceived in gradual, pacific terms, not in insurrectionary terms, in contrast to Bakunin. Furthermore, all socialists of their era agreed on the need for some kind of “social” revolution, given the failure of the preceding “political” revolutions (the French Revolution and the European revolutions of 1848-1849). Consequently, advocacy of social revolution does not distinguish anarchism from other doctrines, such as socialism.

For the purposes of this study, therefore, I will proceed on the basis that anarchism can be defined as a view that rejects coercive authority, the state and participation in existing systems of government, and which advocates federalism (or voluntary association), libertarianism and direct action. This is consistent with Proudhon and Bakunin’s conceptions of anarchism and, as will be seen in the chapters which follow, the views of those members of the International who came to identify themselves as anarchists and to create an international anarchist movement.

Arguably, some of these six defining characteristics can be derived from the others. For example, the state and government can be seen simply as specific examples of coercive authority, so that anti-authoritarianism is the primary defining characteristic of anarchism. As Sébastien Faure (1858-1942) put it, “whoever denies Authority and fights against it is an Anarchist.”[i] Be that as it may, in historical terms I believe that it was on the basis of these six characteristics that anarchism came to be distinguished from other political orientations. These six criteria help to flesh out the content of anarchism in a more substantive sense, providing a more robust and “political” conception of anarchism as something more than mere “anti-authoritarianism.” To define anarchism simply on the basis of what it is that anarchists oppose fails to take into account the positive anarchist alternatives to authoritarian institutions and practices that also distinguish anarchism from other doctrines.

Robert Graham

[i] Woodcock, The Anarchist Reader, 1977: 62.

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GJEP campaigner joins hunger strike against FL homeless hate laws

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“Celebrity Chef” Arnold on Wednesday with Anonymous via http://www.homelesshatelaws.blogspot.com/

Our GJEP campaigner in FL, Ruddy, asked us to post this article from theNYT about Arnold Abbott, the 90-year-old man who is continually and purposefully defying the repressive laws coming out of Florida.

As far as I can tell, the laws attempt to privatize feeding the poor and homeless, which is about as shockingly far from the values of the commons as one can get, right?

Our NO GE trees campaigner is on a 24 hour hunger strike until midnight tonight in protest of what she and others see as homeless hate crime laws. She is based in Florida, which is also part of the wide swath of the Southeast that will be faced with GE eucalyptus trees if ArborGen’s USDA petition is approved.

20141113_223603Our campaigner reports: “Jillian [Pim, named in the NYT article, who is on day 15 of an extended hunger strike] will be at city hall all day doing a press conference before FNB and other groups continue to share food with the homeless in defiance of these inhumane laws. Jillian is asking that folks wear purple in solidarity with her and I talked to her yesterday, she is feeling pretty weak and could use all the support she can get.”

The NYT article takes the usual swerves left, right and center, but whenever you think this article is going off the road entirely, it comes back around. The photo with the article on the NYT website does a good job showing not only Abbott but also the wider movement around him.

Florida Finds Tricky Balance Over Feeding of the Homeless

By Lizette Alvarez and Frances Robles. New York Times. 12 November 2014.

FORT LAUDERDALE, Fla. — As dusk settled over the city’s main beach, Arnold Abbott, frail but determined, broke the law late Wednesday afternoon. Mr. Abbott, a 90-year-old World War II veteran, stood on the pavement and piled tilapia and rice and beans on plates for dozens of homeless people. A crowd stood and watched, waiting to see what the police would do.

Read the whole article here.

Read more about the movement in FL and the hunger strikes here.

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PDF: Since the Bristol Riots– Communiques from the FAI, ELF and other attacks 2011-2014 (UK)

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PDF Link: http://personsunknown.noblogs.org/files/2014/11/Since-the-Bristol-riots.pdf
by Person(s) Unknown / Dark Matter Publications

“Since the Bristol Riots” is a collection of communiques from the Informal Anarchist Federation (FAI), Earth Liberation Front (ELF), and other anonymous attacks in the Bristol area since the riots in April 2011 until October 2014.

The communiques include attacks targeted against police, banks, prisons, military, security services, courts, state, church, fascists, media, communications infrastructure, corporations and more.

Totaling over 100 pages, included is a selection of over a dozen articles related to this time frame and context, such as reports of the Stokes Croft riots and recent police repression against the broader anarchist movement as they investigate the attacks.

For antagonistic struggle,
Person(s) unknown

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If punk is the ultimate anti-establishment scene, why is it still run by all these white men?

As a trans woman in punk, I try to find beauty in a faux-inclusive scene that’s never perfect – and occasionally awful

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The author, second from the right, performs with Ramshackle Glory. Photograph: Garrett Walters/courtesy of Alyssa Kai

If there is one ethos of punk, and especially DIY (Do It Yourself) punk, it is that the punk world is for everybody: anyone can sing, anyone can play, anyone can listen, anyone can participate.

But in reality, men run the scene, men are the scene, and men always have been and probably always will be at the center of the scene. As a trans woman, sometimes I just go through the motions: I do my work, I perform my best, I seek out my moments of joy.

But it’s never perfect, and it’s occasionally awful: without warning, in the audience or on a stage, I’ll hear someone say, “This song is about feminism, which means: How hard it is to have a vagina in this world!” or “I saw Ralph in a dress the other day, that was pretty funny” or “That last songwriter, he was pretty cool”. And I’m suddenly rocking out here on the outside, but only listening in on the thing I love. And even if I don’t walk out, I’m still gone, excluded from the supposedly ultra-inclusive community I’m trying to build.

If you want – and most people do want – you can retell the early history of punk exclusively by referencing white men: Johnny Rotten in London, Joey Ramone in New York, Henry Rollins in Los Angeles, and so on and so forth. When you look between the gaps, of course you find women and people of color everywhere: Death and Algebra Mothers in Detroit,X-Ray Spex and Genesis Breyer P-orrige in the UK, Bad Brains andJayne County around the US, and of course Ron Reyes, Dez Cadena and ROBO of the all-too-often whitewashed Black Flag. But that’s exactly the problem: we find these important, influential, wonderful groups in the gaps. They’re marginalia in the “real history” while the boy-bands get to be “real punk”. My peers can write ’zines, make comics, compose essays, but they’re somehow not punk enough.

Maybe that’s because certain punk men built their scene on images of violence against the established order and, while the genre hasn’t yet torn down the state apparatus, it has enacted that state’s violence on the lower class, nonwhite, disabled and non-men folks in the scene. No matter how many dialogues we stage on anti-oppression, safer spaces, radical inclusivity and mutual aid, men in punk can still stand in front of a crowd and scream about almost anything they want or feel – just so long as they avoid a given list of anti-oppressive no-no words. Their power has put on a more pleasant face, but some men remain a fundamentally violent presence that I must witness if I want to be a part of the beauty of the scene.

I love the punk music that’s coming out now – I even love the people making it. But I don’t trust them or their work. When you’re a trans woman, you learn to keep your expectations low and your hopes at arm’s length.

My first tour was me and eight men for two weeks, playing community spaces, rocking basements, selling weird merch, the whole thing. And I was astounded at how good I felt around those men: we didn’t talk about my gender, they didn’t call me “he” and I somehow managed to feel “normal”. I called their silence about me respect, and called my own silence about them the price of belonging. I fell asleep on strangers’ couches and hoped I’d be safe; I sat through hours of aggressively male banter; I told the breathless boys who moments before had been barreling into me, knocking over my mic, and cutting open my lip, “Thank you, thank you for coming, great to have you here.

And yet there are joys: I’ve joined more bands, kept queer punks close, and I’m closer and closer to touring full time. When I come home, the DIY scene in Worcester, Massachusetts, takes excellent care of me, and I play for them and they play for me and we call that a life. For the first time in my life, I can list people like me whom I admire, and whom I can try to emulate in my work: Sybil Lamb, Imogen Binnie, Noel’le Longhaul,Rosanonymous, the departed Samantha Jane Dorsett.

DIY punk – with its self-released music, non-corporate labels, cheap all-age shows in basements – embraces those things not as means toward corporate success, but as intrinsically worthwhile tools to build authentic rebellion and powerful community.

Still, I watch my peers in DIY stage communion with audiences who pay for a touch of our emotional lives, our pay-what-you-can consumer ethics enabled by the economic stability of middle-class musicians and fans; our authenticity built on false premises of what it means to be “true” to punk in a messed-up, still-exclusionary scene made up of mostly white, abled middle-class men who make and buy most of the music.

However anti-establishment in spirit, punk has always been tied to money: success means getting signed, getting famous, getting a world tour. Even if rebellious energy or violent imagery remains in the music, economically speaking, punk is just another sales category to the male-dominated establishment.

Meanwhile, punks like me, and those unlike me – punks of color, working class punks, disabled punks – struggle to get what most men in our scene are all-but automatically granted: not just power, but meaning. They get to be their whole, authentic selves on stage and off, they get to decide what’s punk, they get to “let” the rest of us in. To break into their scene doesn’t feel like a success; rather, it feels like being give permission to play along when I shouldn’t have needed to ask. Not in punk – and not anywhere.

Speaker for the Dead in Detroit, Michigan Photograph: 
Courtesy of Alyssa Kai
Speaker for the Dead in concert Photograph: Courtesy of Alyssa Kai
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Statement outside Santa Ana City Council Chambers (English/Español)

This is the second statement by Copwatch Santa Ana released this month. Among other things, it explains why the group did not attend the city’s October 21 city council meeting following the events of the last city council meeting two weeks ago and their philosophy for the liberation of all people. The collective is based in Santa Ana, CA. The statement was released on October 21, 2014.

We are here this evening to provide more information regarding the events that occurred on Oct 7th.

Although attention was only paid to a small part of the cancelled meeting, many failed to realize that Pulido and his council launched a violent threat of arrest towards every individual inside those chambers. This violence is at the root of how this entire system operates. It needs violence to legitimize itself, it needs violence to instill fear in all of us. We know who is truly disrespectful and we know who the violent ones are.

While the circus of politics began to trend the web and spark debates after the last council meeting, the neo-liberal forces of Santa Ana continue to wage war on our communities, and it seems that many have fallen for the narrative of spectacle centered around a hat and 1st amendment rights.

For some, October 7th was simply a matter of ‘freedom of speech’ while for many others it has always been a matter of defending and resisting police abuse.

We attended the October 7th meeting to address the rampant harassment and abuse by Officer Berwanger and killer cop Rodriguez by putting it on public record. We didn’t attend the council meeting to ask anything of these so called representatives, we know that this system has perpetually failed us because it has always been broken.

We know that the power of the people does not lie within those council chambers and the power of the people surely isn’t represented in a neo-liberal puppet like Pulido.

We know that the power of the people lies in the people themselves. Not in the vote, not in the non-profit, but the people who work, strive, struggle and organize collectively for each others liberation.

We don’t care about Pulido, his council or the next elected Mayor and council of oppressors, because we have a systemic problem and they are the system. We don’t care if they preserve those illusory chambers of democracy by allowing people to wear FTP gear, because if the city concedes to a hat with ‘fuck the police,’ members of our community will still be targeted, harassed, intimidated, arrested, and murdered by the Santa Ana Police Department. Our dreams are in the streets and our power is in our collective spirit of total resistance.

No change can come from these chambers.

We would like to clarify that FTP or Fuck The Police is more than just an immature expression of anger and disrespect, as Pulido and his council would like you to believe.

We understand that if it is total liberation we seek, we must abolish the police but also begin to build alternatives to this prison world, from the bottom up, while engaging and changing the increasingly hostile environment we find ourselves in by encouraging the momentum of resistance to the presence of police in our lives. Fuck the police means fighting for a world where mental illness, homelessness and drug addiction are not crimes but symptoms of capitalism, a broken economic system that is impossible to maintain. FTP means Fuck the Patriarchy and the patriarchal masculinity, violence and culture of domination this system of governance and policing cultivates. FTP is an expression of revolutionary culture, because we come from a history of struggle that dates back to 1492.

A struggle that not only continues here in Santa Ana but continues in Anaheim, and Ferguson. A struggle that continues in Greece and Santiago. The same struggle that continues in Istanbul and Kobane. The same struggle that continues in Ireland and Chiapas. Our struggle that continues in Palestine and Guerrero. Our struggle continues.

We desire no more police, we desire no more guardians of gentrification and capital. This means the entire system must give way to let us determine our own lives. This means we resist all attacks on our autonomy be it the non profit industrial complex and its tools of pacification or the literal beating, kidnapping, and murder of community members by police.

Here in these chambers there is no justice
We find justice when We find each other
Here in these chambers there is no hope
We find hope when We make hope together in the streets

We want the impossible because we are already living it.

Copwatch Santa Ana (CWSA) is an all-volunteer, horizontally-organized collective of individuals based in Santa Ana. The collective works to observe and document police activity within the confines of the ‘law’ while revealing the rampant police misconduct and brutality that plagues not only the SAPD but local municipal police departments across the country. CWSA believes that observing police activity is a crucial first step in organizing towards radical self-determination and building an effective self-defense against state-sponsored violence. By engaging in direct action, indigenous strategies, guerilla tactics and providing various workshops to educate ourselves and our communities about their rights with the police, CWSA attempts to build a broad based movement in which every single individual knows what to do when confronted by police or witnessing police interactions. And in affect, every individual plays a practical role in actualizing police accountability.

ESPAÑOL

Estamos aquí esta noche para proporcionar más información sobre los hechos ocurridos el 07 de octubre .

Aunque sólo se prestó atención a una pequeña parte de la reunión cancelada , muchos no se dieron cuenta de que Pulido y su consejo lanzaron una amenaza violenta de arresto a cada individuo dentro de esas cámaras . Esta violencia está en el base de cómo funciona todo este sistema . Se necesita la violencia para legitimarse , que necesita la violencia para infundir miedo en todos nosotros . Nosotros sabemos quienes son los que faltan el respeto nosotros sabemos quienes son los violentos.

Mientras que el circo de la política comenzó a tender los debates en el internet después de la última reunión del consejo , las fuerzas neoliberales de Santa Ana continúan su guerra en contra de nuestras comunidades , y parece que muchos han caído en la narrativa del espectáculo sobre una gorra y derechos de primera enmienda.

Para algunos , el 7 de octubre fue simplemente una cuestión de “libertad de expresión “, mientras que para muchos otros, siempre ha sido una cuestión de defensa y resistencia a los abusos policiales .

Asistimos a la reunión del 07 de octubre para anunciar y hablar sobre el abuso lanzado por el Oficial Berwanger y el policía asesino Rodríguez poniéndolo en registro público . No asistimos a la reunión del consejo para pedir algo de estos llamados representantes , sabemos que este sistema perpetuamente nos ha fallado , porque siempre ha estado roto.

Sabemos que el poder de la gente no está dentro de estos salones de los consejos y que el poder de la gente seguramente no esta representado en un títere neo- liberal como Pulido.

Sabemos que el poder del pueblo se encuentra en nosotros mismos. El poder del pueblo no esta en el voto , no esta en las organizaciones que dicen trabajar sin ánimo de lucro , pero el poder del pueblo esta en las personas que trabajan , se esfuerzan , luchan y se organizan colectivamente para la liberacion de cada uno.

No nos importa Pulido , ni su consejo o el siguiente alcalde electo y su consejo de opresores , porque tenemos un problema sistémico y ellos son el sistema. No nos importa si conservan esas cámaras ilusorias de la democracia al permitir a la gente a usar gorras que digan FTP , ya que si la ciudad concede a una gorra que tenga escrita ‘ A la mierda con la policía , ” los miembros de nuestras comunidades todavía estaran , hostigados , intimidados , detenidos , y asesinados por la policía de Santa Ana . Nuestros sueños están en las calles y nuestro poder está en nuestro espíritu colectivo de la resistencia total.

Ningún cambio puede venir de estas cámaras.

Nos gustaría aclarar que FTP o Fuck The Police es algo más que una expresión inmadura de la ira y la falta de respeto, como Pulido y su consejo les gustaría creer.

Entendemos que si se trata de la liberación total que buscamos, debemos abolir la policía, pero también empezar a construir alternativas a este mundo carcelero , de abajo hacia arriba , mientras que participemos en cambiar el medio ambiente que se pone cada vez más hostil y fomentar el impulso de resistencia a la presencia de la policía en nuestras vidas . FTP significa luchar por un mundo en el que la enfermedad mental, la falta de vivienda y la drogadicción no son crimenes , pero los síntomas del capitalismo , una sistema económico quebrado que es imposible de mantener. FTP significa a la mierda con el patriarcado y la masculinidad patriarcal , la violencia y la cultura de dominación que este sistema de gobierno y sus policias cultivan. FTP es una expresión de la cultura revolucionaria , porque venimos de una historia de lucha que empezo desde 1492 .

Una lucha que no sólo continúa aquí en Santa Ana , pero continúa en Anaheim , y Ferguson . Una lucha que continúa en Grecia y Santiago . La misma lucha que continúa en Estambul y Kobani . La misma lucha que continúa en Irlanda y Chiapas . Nuestra lucha que continúa en Palestina y Guerrero . Nuestra lucha continua .

Deseamos no más policías , deseamos no más guardianes de la aburguesamiento y el capital. Esto significa que todo el sistema debe dar paso a dejarnos determinar nuestras propias vidas . Esto significa que resistimos a todos los ataques contra nuestra autonomía sea el complejo industrial sin fines de lucro y sus herramientas de pacificación o la paliza literal , el secuestro y asesinato de miembros de la comunidad por la policía .

Aquí, en estas cámaras no hay justicia
Encontramos la justicia cuando nos encontramos unos a otros
Aquí, en estas cámaras no hay esperanza
Encontramos esperanza cuando creamos esperanza juntos en las calles

Queremos lo imposible porque ya lo estamos viviendo.

“Copwatch Santa Ana es un colectivo de voluntarios individuales organizados horizontalmente basado en Santa Ana. El Colectivo trabaja para observar y documentar la actividad policiaca en el contexto de la ley mientras denunciando la mala conducta y brutalidad que plaga no solo el departamento de policia de Santa Ana pero departamentos de policias municipales en todo el pais. Copwatch Santa Ana cree que observar la actividad policiaca es en primer paso esencial para organizar hacia un auto-determincacion radical y construir una auto-defensa eficaz contra la violencia del estado. Con accion directa, estrategias indigenas, tacticas guerilleras y proveyendo varios talleres para educarnos y educar a nuestras communidades sobre nuestros derechos con la policia. Copwatch Santa Ana trata de contruir un movimiento de base amplia en donde cada individuo conoce que hacer al enfrentar la policia o cuando es testigo de actividad policiaca. Y en efecto, cada individuo tiene un papel practico en hacer la policia responsables por sus acciones.”

sourcei

 

The Government wants to Charge You for Taking Pictures of Nature

Justin King (TheAntiMedia)
September 26, 2014

redwoods2In an amazing encroachment on the First Amendment and common sense, the US Forest Service has plans to extort photographers into paying $1500 for a permit to photograph the lands paid for by tax dollars. In a complete failure of math, the fine for violating the rule would be $1000. Image credit:

Photography shoots would also have to be approved by the feds to ensure they are deemed educational. The proposed rule is blatantly unconstitutional, ignoring press freedoms and freedom of speech. The Forest Service has effectively had Smokey the Bear beat the Constitution unconscious and is currently burying the First Amendment somewhere in the 193 million acres under its control.

Senator Ron Wyden from Oregon has expressed his disapproval:

Service needs to rethink any policy that subjects noncommercial photographs and recordings to a burdensome permitting process for something as simple as taking a picture with a cell phone. Especially where reporters and bloggers are concerned, this policy raises troubling questions about inappropriate government limits on activity clearly protected by the First Amendment.”

The rules allow for coverage without a permit of certain types of breaking news without a permit, such as forest fires or rescues of missing people. In other words, news that serves to benefit the propaganda of the Forest Service.

The new rules are updates of older rules that require the permitting. The whole thing is justified under the guise of protecting the wilds from commercial exploitation. Of course, the Wilderness Act already prohibits commercial exploitation of the land. It begs the question of whether or not non-intrusive photography is actually an exploitation of the land. Apparently, drilling for oil on federal lands next to the parks is less damaging than simply snapping a photo with a cell phone.

Public comments are open now. If one was so inclined, they could make their feelings known at this link.

“I Am Darren Wilson” Bracelets Are Missouri Cops’ New Fashion Statement

ferguson

Yesterday, after reports that a mysterious fire had been set to a Michael Brown memorial, a photo allegedly depicting a Ferguson, Mo., police officer wearing an “I am Darren Wilson” bracelet, in support of the officer who shot and killed Brown, began to circulate on social media.

ferguson2

Ferguson Residents Rebuild Michael Brown Memorial After Overnight Fire

Early this morning, a series of photos began to spread over social media that showed a memorial to…Read more

The photo was first published on the Instagram account MediaBlackOutUSA. In a press conference today, Missouri Highway Patrol Captain Ron Johnson confirmed the bracelets’ existence and argued that they were a personal statement for the officers wearing them, BuzzFeed reports. “I think that was not a statement of law enforcement. I think wearing that was an individual statement,” he reportedly said.

According to St. Louis alderman Antonio French, Johnson also said he would “have a talk” with whatever agency the bracelet-wearing officers work for.

Johnson said he’ll be having a talk with the agencies of the officers who wore the “I Am Darren Wilson” wristbands. Presumably Ferguson PD.

The burning of the Brown memorial appears to have stoked renewed unrest in Ferguson, where the 18-year-old was killed August 9.

[Image via Mediablackoutusa/Instagram]

source

US-led strikes hit IS-held oil sites in Syria

In this Tuesday, Sept. 23, 2014 photo released by the U.S. Air Force, a formation of U.S. Navy F-18E 

 

BEIRUT (AP) — U.S.-led airstrikes targeted Syrian oil installations held by the extremist Islamic State group overnight and early Thursday, killing at least 19 people as more families of militants left their key stronghold, fearing further raids, activists said.

The strikes aimed to knock out one of the militants’ main revenue streams — black market oil sales that the U.S. says earn up to $2 million a day for the group. That funding, along with a further estimated $1 million a day from other smuggling, theft and extortion, has been crucial in enabling the extremists to overrun much of Syria and neighboring Iraq.

The United States and its Arab allies have been carrying out strikes in Syria for the past three days, trying to uproot the group, which has carved out a self-declared state straddling the border, imposed a harsh version of Islamic law and massacred opponents. The U.S. has been conducting air raids against the group in neighboring Iraq for more than a month

On the ground, Syria’s civil war raged on unabated, with government forces taking back an important industrial area near Damascus from the rebels, according to Syrian activists and state media. Activists also accused President Bashar Assad’s troops of using an unspecified deadly chemical substance.

The Islamic State group is believed to control 11 oil fields in Iraq and Syria. The new strikes involved six U.S. warplanes and 10 more from the United Arab Emirates and Saudi Arabia, mainly hitting small-scale refineries used by the militants in eastern Syria, Pentagon spokesman Rear Adm. John Kirby said.

At least 14 militants were killed, according to the Britain-based Syrian Observatory for Human Rights, which monitors the Syrian conflict through a network of activists on the ground.

 

The Observatory and two independent activists said another five people who lived near one of the refineries were also killed, likely the wives and children of the militants.

Kirby said the Pentagon is looking into reports that civilians were killed but has no evidence yet.

Other strikes hit checkpoints, compounds, training grounds and vehicles of the Islamic State group in northern and eastern Syria. The raids also targeted two Syrian military bases that had been seized by the Islamic State group. In the eastern Syrian town of Mayadeen, a building used by the militants as an Islamic court was also hit.

Apparently fearing more strikes, the militants reduced the number of fighters on their checkpoints, activists said. Many of the casualties the group has sustained in the American-led air raids have been at checkpoints. Activists also said that more families of Islamic State militants were clearing out of the city of Raqqa, the group’s de facto capital, on Thursday, heading eastward.

 

For some Syrians, the airstrikes were bitter justice.

“God has imposed on you just a part of what you have done, but you are even more criminal,” wrote Mahmoud Abdul-Razak on an anti-Islamic State group Facebook page, saying that the airstrikes were divine punishment.

But other Syrians see coalition strikes as serving Assad’s interests because they do not target government forces and because some have hit the Nusra Front, Syria’s al-Qaida affiliate that has battled both the Islamic State and Assad’s forces

Some opposition activists saw the strikes on the Nusra Front as a sign of a wider operation targeting other Syrian militants among the anti-Assad rebellion seen as a potential threat by the United States.

“All of this is to serve Bashar, and yet people believe the Americans are protecting the Syrians,” said Saad Saad, writing on the same Facebook page.

A rebel fighter in the northern Aleppo province who only identified himself by his nom de guerre, Ramy, said the U.S. airstrikes appear coordinated with the flights of Syrian military planes, which would disappear from the skies shortly before the U.S.-led coalition aircraft show up.

“It’s like they coordinate with each other,” Ramy told The Associated Press over Skype. “The American planes come and they go.”

The Observatory reported fewer Syrian airstrikes in the past three days — likely because of the presence of the coalition aircraft. Still, bombing continued in a rebel-held area near Damascus, killing at least 8 people, including children, reported the Observatory and activist Hassan Taqulden.

Syrian Kurdish fighters also reported three airstrikes near a northern Kurdish area, which Islamic State militants have been attacking for nearly a week, prompting more than 150,000 people to flee to neighboring Turkey.

http://revolution-news.com/nearly-140000-syrian-refugees-enter-turkey/

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 The Kurdish fighters said the U.S.-led coalition was likely behind the strikes in the area known as Ayn Arab, or Kobani to the Kurds. A spokesman for the fighters, Reydour Khalil, pleaded again that the coalition coordinate with them, claiming that the overnight strikes were not effective and struck abandoned bases.

“We are willing to cooperate with the U.S. and its alliance” by providing positions and information about the militants’ movements, Khalil said.

Elsewhere in Syria, Assad’s forces wrested back the rebel-held industrial area of Adra near Damascus after months of clashes.

On a government-organized tour of the area Thursday, the smell of dead bodies hung in the air amid the bombed-out buildings and torched cars. An unnamed commander accompanying the journalists said that the military dismantled 17 car bombs, and that soldiers were working to disarm more of them.

The government forces seized the Adra industrial zone after rebels accused them of using chemical explosives there on Wednesday. Footage of the wounded from the incident, in which six people were killed, showed men jerking uncontrollably and struggling to breathe before their bodies went limp.

The footage, posted on social networks, appeared genuine and consistent with The Associated Press reporting of the event depicted. But the footage did not suggest what chemical — if any — was used on the men.

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Associated Press writer Lolita C. Baldor in Washington and Albert Aji in Adra al-Omaliya, Syria, contributed to this report.

source, yahoo