Category Archives: Turkey
Interview with MLKP (Turkey-Kurdistan)

Could you explain the beginning of the Rojava revolution and the historical background of the region?

The region of Rojava (West Kurdistan) had been deliberately impoverished in every aspect. The Syrian regime tried to leave it without a unique identity. Kurdish people in Syria are in reality a people who had been left without identity and whose national presence, language, and culture had been denied. As a result, Kurdish people were deprived of the conditions for producing and developing themselves socially, culturally, politically, vitally, materially and morally. Kurdish people, whose conditions of life were taken from their hands, were made dependent on the regime through these exploitative policies. The “Arabic line” was an “Arabisation” policy which sought to surround and divide Rojava by settling Arab populations in fertile parts of it. Places that Daiş finds most support from today are those areas where people were brought from outside. The divisive colonial policies in Syria becomes more intense and harsh after the 1960’s.

Whether among Kurdish people who were forced to migrate from North Kurdistan to Rojava or those who were born and grew up in Syria there has always been tendencies to be organized and to struggle, and for different organizations to maintain their presence there. The activities to protect the national identity of Kurdish people and to be organized for national democratic rights have been carried on illegally by these organizations. The Kurdish policies of the Syrian regime escalated into a period of massacre dating from 1960. On 30th November 1960, 280 Kurdish children were burned to death in a cinema in Amude while they were watching a film about the Algerian revolution. This was the first of the large massacres that Kurdish people have suffered in Syria. Another large massacre took place on 12th March, 2004. A regime organised provocation during a football match was turned into a Kurdish slaughter. Afterwards, the crowd who carried the dead bodies away were attacked and tens of people were killed as a result. As a result of this, Kurdish cities rose up. Before coming to the period that precedes the 2004 uprising, the regime’s oppressive and terrorist policies reached their peak.

The ”Treaty of Adana” signed between the Syrian regime and the Turkish state on 20th September, 1998 played a crucial role. This treaty led to Abdullah Öcalan being forced to leave Syria. Thus, Turkey obtained the conditions for more actively interfering within Rojava. The activities of the PKK in Rojava date back to the end of the 1970’s. The expansion of guerrilla struggle and revolts, and the national democratic based rights gained in north Kurdistan strengthened and accelerated the dynamics of the Rojava revolution. With the foundation of the PYD beside the 12 Kurdish groups, the political substructure of Rojava which provided the conditions for the present day revolution came into being. If we look at the recent period for the pre-conditions of the Rojava revolution we would see that the Syrian Baas (Ba’ath) regime used economic exploitation and political oppression across all social stratum except for a small minority. Syrian people, whose political rights were taken away and who were doomed to a poor life, started to gradually build the individual and social struggle processes. Syrian laborers and people inspired by the series of Arabic revolutions filled squares across the country with democratic demands against the Baas dictatorship . However, the spark which would start the fire came from the writings on walls which were made by the children in Deraa in 2011 saying ”It’s your turn Doctor” [Assad is a trained doctor.]. The response by the Baas regime was harsh and merciless. Even children were imprisoned and tortured. People resisted these violent and oppressive policies determinedly and militantly. Demonstrations expanded to almost every city in Rojava and Syria, Deraa coming as the first. When it came to its 20th day it reached a new height as Deraa was actually occupied.

At the beginning, the large demonstrations marched against improprieties and impoverishment and demanded democratic rights and justice. As a result of increasing repression and their demands being ignored the character of the uprising changed, with the overthrow of Assad becoming a major demand. When Assad could not suppress this uprising he offered some conciliatory offers. The governor of Deraa was dismissed and the period for military service was shortened from 21 months to 18. Steps were also taken to increase the wages of public officials, increase liberty for the press, struggle against impropriety, to end extraordinary state practices, and Syrian citizenship was offered to one part of the Kurdish people. While withdrawing with these compensations he attempted to make massacres by organizing contra groups called ”şebbiha” (ghosts). The conflict between the masses, of which the main body consisted of Arabs, and the Baas regime then began to take the form of a reactionary civil war, with the interference of imperialists and regional collaborator states. The Arabic democratic opposition became reactionary and lost its legitimacy and rightfulness as they became subordinated to imperialists and collaborator states.

The Rojava revolution however chose its own way. It drew its own independent line against the dual reactionary policies of either moving together with the Syrian opposition, which became the puppet of imperialists and states in the region, or staying beside the Assad regime, and headed to revolution. It started a national democratic-libertarian revolution in Rojavan Kurdistan by declaring that it was the representative of oppressed people who had been exposed to pressure, massacre and policies of denial by the Syrian state. It pushed the regime out of the boundaries of Rojava except the airport in Qamışlo and several symbolic institutions. The Rojava revolution developed through the strategy of defending the lands of Rojava and the revolution against its enemies, at the beginning this was the Syrian opposition and then Daiş and Al-Nusra gangs. As for the present, via the Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF), the struggle to make this libertarian struggle active continues.

How do you understand the process of the revolution in Rojava and what work have you been involved in there?

Our party is organized in Turkey and north Kurdistan. It defends regional revolutions, federations and confederations. For that reason, it sees it as a right and a mission to be organized in the Middle East and the four parts of Kurdistan under the occupation of colonists. It defends the line that the four parts of Kurdistan across different countries have the right to unite. Consequently, all issues of direct interest to the region and Kurdistan, in particular, are also the subject matter of our party. They define the programmatic and political background of our presence in Rojava. Our first forces arrived in Rojava in August, 2012. These forces first worked to extend the revolution to the masses, to turn it into a power for people, to encourage people to adopt the revolution and to help them participate in it. We worked in institutions which are vital for the development of Rojava such as security, in the municipality, in the customs house, and in intelligence. We also took part in the defence of the revolution by sending our forces to different battalions. Besides this, we also took part in the foundation work of the YPG and YPJ and worked to encourage the participation of people. We succeeded in our mission of defending the revolution with our military presence while, at the same time, taking on our shoulders the mission of encouraging the participation of people and helping them adopt its policies – which are the basic problems of revolution. As our revolution was gradually formed, developed, built institutions and progressed towards completion economically, politically, culturally and geographically, the imperialists, regional reactionary countries (such as Saudi Arabia,Qatar etc.), and colonial Turkey at first, and then their collaborator gangs such as Al-Nusra and Daiş, the Syrian regime and the KDP (remember the embargo and the closing of the southern border with trenches) tried to drown our revolution from all sides. These policies continue today.

When the military attacks against our revolution got more intensive, we brought most of our forces to this area. With new support, we increased our military forces both in quantity and quality. The liberation of Kobane was first, then we took part in many defensive battles and liberation operations like Haseke, Serekaniye, Gıré Sıpi, Tıl Temir and Rubar Qamışlo.

Our forces in the International Freedom Battalion also joined in the liberation of Şengal, Hol, and the Tışrin Dam. We fought in almost all the fronts, from Kobane to Şengal. Apart from our military and self defense work we are active in areas ranging from health to media, from working in ”Mala Gel”(People Houses – community centres) to communes, and women’s struggles. We, by the way, supported the establishment of The Institution for the Unity and Solidarity of the People. This institution, the SYPG (In Kurdish – Saziya Yekiti û Piştgiriya Gelan) will be an institution which will function like constructing a bridge between people, making them acquainted with the revolution and organizing their support and solidarity. This vehicle will both contribute to the development of the revolution and will be a step in giving it a socialist character. Our party is not a party that came to Rojava with the aim of short term support so we are here as a constant force. To define it most simply, we accept this revolution as ours and its enemies and friends as ours also.

Which struggles, military experiences, and theories are you based on?

We are trying to be a party which analyses all revolutionary experiences in the world, and that learns lessons from them. We experience these ourselves by using applicable forms of them in our work. The Rojava revolution does not resemble any experience from the past. As a consequence of this a lot of groups could not understand, or did not want to understand, the Rojava revolution. This revolution does not progress like the classical revolutions and its historical formation and conditions, as well as its military structure are totally unique. For example there is not a strong class movement as in classical revolutions. At the core of the revolution there remain national democratic demands. However, It does not just contain a narrow nationalist perspective. Despite having national issues at the center of it, it has a character which includes all the peoples in Rojava. Being a women’s revolution at the same time, even just because of this, makes it a good example which should be defended. Apart from these, this revolution maintains its special and unique place through its economic, democratic, cultural and ecological programs.

The revolution was started by a small organized part of the people and military forces. Organized armed militias and guerrillas succeeded in channelizing the discontent in the streets against the Assad regime into occupying the state institutions. The army and police forces belonged to the state, in the cities of Rojava they did not resist fiercely because they were surrounded by the people and military forces. At the beginning, military structures were formed through guerrilla and militia forces mixing while later it gradually became more structured and specialised, and as a result separated. The geographic structure of Rojava encouraged a unique form of war; Urban battles, such as in Kobane, were mainly based on heavy weapons; attacks with mines and IEDs were elevated to a strategic level; assassinations and counter-intelligence were prominent elements; and attacks by cars bombs (which is a method used by gangs) are also fundamental elements of this war. Another unique element is that the fighting styles of both regular armies and guerrillas are being used at the same time. Sometimes forces fight like regular armies while at other times guerrilla tactics are being used. The historical, cultural, social and economic history, and the current nature of Rojava are the reasons for it not resembling any of the revolutionary experiences of the past. If those elements which make this revolution unique were neglected and classical revolutionary tactics and theories had been applied, we would be talking about something else instead of the current Rojava revolution.

For us Marxists to successfully apply the right methods and forms of struggle at the right time with a materialist analysis of the concrete situation is of great importance. Marxism would not be Marxism if it was not based on dialectic and historical materialism. To grasp and understand the new and unique and, according to this, to reconstruct one’s own beliefs and actions requires a flexibility and creativity that only serious revolutionaries can put into practice. Among revolutionary movements it is still widespread to be an imitator, memorizing and applying historical theories and practices.

Across all places and all times the basic laws of war maintain their validity in Rojava as well. Military life, discipline, rules, aspects of offense and defense, command and obedience, willpower, belief, decisiveness, devotion, knowing the enemy and oneself etc. The answers of all war theorists and commanders to all these issues would be almost the same. Military logic is the same in Clausewitz, Lenin and so many other military and political leaders. The ones who are successful are the ones who construct a military strategy and subsequent tactics after placing the conflict objectively in its own historical conditions, basing these on the conflicts own reality and social material structure. We are trying to make meaningful what we have as a legacy, and what we have learned from our own history and world experiences here in the originality of the Rojava revolution. For that, we do not have any pre-formed image or model that we will apply. As we ”Rojavize” the revolution in all its aspects, militarily, economically, culturally, and socially our revolution comes gradually closer to victory.

What does it mean to live in the MLKP Rojava Battalion?

For us communists, before everything, it means consistency – ideologically, politically and organizationally. One of the most important problems for contemporary revolutionary movements is to be lacking in determination. When the unity of thought and action can not be provided, there arise set of ideas which lead to no practical consequences. If a movement loses its believability, it means it is also loses its reason for existing. The great part of the revolutionary movement fell behind politics. A lack of strategy leads to a lack of tactics which leads to not having politics. The result, inevitably, is to enter the role of a spectator and commentator. Those in this role can neither raise the revolution or be a part of it. To live in the MLKP battalion means, in that sense, to be in a place where revolutionaries produce their revolutionary identities in such criteria as strengthening their revolutionary claims and consistency, spreading belief, trusting in people and ideology, being in the right place at the right time, realizing the dream of a new world and facing the future. MLKP, at the same time, is a party of Kurdistan. Revolutionaries from a wide variety of nations are there and fight together with MLKP Rojava. Our units are open to people who are not members of MLKP but are revolutionaries, including anarchists too. Our party is also a place for fighters who come from other countries, especially from Europe, to fight against barbarism and the reactionaries of Daiş, and fight together with the MLKP . In that sense, it has both a local and international character.
How has the Rojava revolution affected the life and functioning of the Battalion?

We are part of the Rojava revolution in every sense. Apart from our unique characteristics, deriving from our ideological structure and our own history (which, indeed, provides a different perspective and some advantages), we are complementary, especially in military issues. We are as much influencing this revolution as we have been influenced by it. For example, fighters from our battalion take their places on the front lines and join all military operations. Life in the battalion is developed and made stable over time. Despite the fact that Rojava has been mostly cleaned from the gangs the main element of defending the revolution is a military one. We should create and develop a perspective on military defence which recognises this. Naturally, this military perspective and the structures which come from this perspective determine the lifestyle of the battalion. Alongside this, ideological and political education is done regularly in order to understand and to be an active part of the Rojava revolution.

How do you educate and develop new militants?

The Rojava revolution is continuing. It is a revolution whose military character is still fundamental. Because of this, military training is given priority and following this, ideological, political and organizational education is given. These trainings use multiple methods. When needed, fighters who are being trained become trainers. All training is tried and examined first in the battalion. Military training is done within the reality of the Rojava revolution. The military strategy and tactics developed in Rojava are taught. Especially after operations, those forces involved will add their experience to the battalion’s and thus the party’s. Indeed, we form political-militant staff who are tied to ideology, trust in the party, and have the willpower to put into practise the party’s political line, they are consistent, militant and devoted to revolution.

How do you support young militants in handling the difficult conditions of war?

War is the most blunt, harsh and intensive phase of struggle. Because of this, a revolutionary should win the war in his/her head in order to resist and handle the hard conditions of war. We are trying to make them obtain this characteristic first. This is only possible by being strong ideologically, correct, and scientific. Revolutionaries who know what they fight for, live for, and die for when it is needed can overcome all the difficulties of war. When ideological clarity and decisiveness are also strengthened with knowledge, skills, and technical experience, then fighters gain militancy and the skill to overcome the hard conditions. It is important to stress that education is both general and private. It is not one sided, generalizing, and reductive. The needs, skills, and capacity of each comrade are taken into consideration when education is being planned. When education is undertaken on war fronts it becomes more practical and permanent.
How can the ideas of the Rojava revolution be adapted to military struggle and life?

It is the most important motivator to understand the necessity. The Rojava revolution both in its origins and in its defensive period has been one whose distinctive character is military. This characteristic belongs to and is unique to this revolution. In general, revolutions are based, and must be based, on violence, military structures, and forms. If we define the problem practically we can say that the people of Rojava started the revolution using the civil war in Syria to their advantage. Guerrilla forces obtained control of the region with the support of the people. The attacks of gangs like Al-Nusra, which is supported by Turkey and their surrounding neighbours and tries to destroy the revolution, developed rapidly. aThese colonial fascists and reactionary forces are trying to drown our revolution. Even though the resistance of these enemies is broken and they are in retreat, the revolution is still at the risk of attacks by them. It is this most important factor which makes it easier to adapt the ideas of the revolution into military struggle and life. The reality is that the defence and development of the revolution is linked directly to your relation with military struggle and life. For example, if you are not organized through military discipline and rules, and do not develop the struggle in that style, you can not defend the Rojava revolution, or even yourself. This material matter is a reality that is accepted quickly by all forces joining the revolution. There is a big difference between understanding this and putting it into practice successfully of course. That is the quality that our fighters obtain with ideological, organizational and military training. When front line experience is added to this, the adaptation of the characteristics of the Rojava revolution in its military and social aspects emerge.

Is there a relation between Rojava and the struggle in Turkey?

Rojava is a part of Kurdistan. Rojava became the leader in comparison to the other parts of Kurdistan and the role that it will play in regional revolutions. The Turkish revolution is a part of this regional revolution, too. Every development in Kurdistan, especially in the north and in Rojava, both deepens the crisis of the regime and is of great importance in class conflict. As a consequence of this there is a direct relation between Rojava and Turkey. Our party, who correctly evaluated the direction of the development of the Kurdistan liberation struggle, has assessed that Kurdistan has started to develop the unity of the destinies of its four parts by forcing the ideological, political, cultural, and moral boundaries. It changed the perspective which viewed the Kurdish struggle through the limited perspective of the north alone. With the 3rd congress of our party in 2002, through the development of the perspective of ”regional revolutions”, we included the regional democratic and socialist federations into our program. Again at our 5th congress, we changed the internationally used name of MLKP/Turkey-North Kurdistan into MLKP/Turkey-Kurdistan to reflect our work in the other parts of Kurdistan. It is an approach which takes into consideration the right to unite a Kurdistan which is currently divided by colonialists. Our Kurdistan organization includes these four parts in its area of struggle. This perspective is also a blow against the Kemalism which penetrated deeply into the soul of the left movement. Even today, a lot of revolutionary organizations, democrats, and intellectuals can not relate with the Kurdish national movement consistently and based on the correct foundations. As they could not historically understand and correctly comprehend the Kurdish national revolution which started to develop from 1993, today they have difficulty in comprehending the Rojava revolution and they approach it either superficially, deny it, or abstain from it. Our party, due to it being a part of the Rojava revolution, had a positive effect on the Turkish left and revolutionary movement and opened a road for them to turn their faces towards the Rojava revolution, even partially. The aggressive policies of colonialist dictatorship towards our people, laborers, and all those that are oppressed continue intensively on the Turkish front. With the Rojava revolution it was revealed more clearly that the right to self-determination of our people, the wish for self-control, self-defence, economic, cultural and social construction, and a process for creating a new successful society affected all the regions. Actually, the people and laborers of Turkey fill their sails with the winds of the revolutionary storm in the region. To defend the Rojava revolution means at the same time to defend personal freedoms, revolution, culture, and values. And that also means that colonialist fascist dictatorship brings into force the policies of destruction, suppression and oppression of the revolutionary, democratic and libertarian struggle on the Turkish front. As a matter of fact there is no doubt that the colonialist fascist dictatorship was the planner of the spiteful attack against 33 young members from the SGDF in Suruç who were in solidarity with Kobane. Also, the bombing of the rally in Ankara where tens of thousands of people gathered to demand the end of the dirty war in Kurdistan was organized by the Turkish state and, like Pirsus, Daiş was blamed. The objective and subjective conditions for regional revolution directly connect the Kurdish liberation movements revolution in Rojava to the struggle in Turkey. The enemies of the Rojava revolution and the struggle in Turkey are regional reactionaries, imperialist powers, Islamic fascist gangs, and the colonialist Turkish fascist dictatorship in particular. Having common enemies is what makes our struggle and revolution also in common. Until the liberation and socialist struggle is successful the revolution in Rojava will always be under danger. Already, it is quite difficult to guarantee the Rojava revolution before Syria develops into a democratic position.

Do MLKP Rojava, at the same time, contribute to the development of revolutionary society with social projects?

Rojava is undergoing a complete reconstruction process. Society is reorganizing itself and extending its management into many areas such as in the local communes, co-operatives, education, culture, and health. Our party is part of this process, contributing to the construction of the revolution with its own projects and using its resources.

Rojava’s terrain shelters a wide variety of people, religions, and cultures. Our party will maintain its ideological, political and organizational work like it has in the past with the perspective of strengthening the unity and solidarity of people. In addition to this, our work in local issues, press, and health continues.

The imperialist war between countries such as Russia, ABD (USA) and Turkey becomes more complex every day. What is your view on this?

During the period called the Arab Spring the search of people and oppressed people for democracy and freedom against the dictatorships of the region revealed a great dynamism which is contemporary as much as historical. There were places where they overthrew the dictatorships, like in Tunisia. Imperialists and reactionary regional states wanted to benefit from these movements and wanted liberty for their own profits like they did in Egypt, Libya, and Amman. Turkey was concerned with creating areas of control by competing inside this reactionary environment. It started a campaign to build hegemony in the region through Neo-Ottoman policies. With its so called “attacks” against Israel, it tried to substitute the Arabic people for itself. It also concentrated on the process of overwhelming the Rojava revolution by enmity against Kurdish people, oppressing and neutralizing the national democratic libertarian movement based on self-administration and self-defense based in the north.

The Middle East has become an area of competition and conflict for imperialists again…

The USA could not achieve exactly what it wanted in the wars waged against Afghanistan and Iraq. It made a great part of the old colonies of Russia its own market and the line of Latvia, Estonia, Lithuania, and Ukraine are the basis of collaboration with UN imperialists. The Balkans were transformed into a market place for German imperialists who also collaborate with the USA. The French started to make more aggressive steps including military actions, especially in Africa. It showed a similar approach in Syria. Russia started to watch for an opportunity to take back the large markets which had been taken by the USA and the imperialist UN block, and thus strengthened and developed its economic, political, and military preparations in order to turn inside out a process which is disadvantageous for itself. The joining of Crimea to Russia was one of the most important steps in turning this process inside out. Russia has recently started to move into Syria more self-confidently and with a bigger military force. It has shown that it is also participating in this competition and conflict. The USA-UN imperialist bloc who could not neutralize the effect of Daiş and other Islamic fascist gangs in the Middle East, as they could not prevent the interference of Russia, had to make an agreement with it. The war in Syria is a result of the conflict between Russia, the USA, and Turkey as the region is shared out again. Even though there were involuntary treaties made between them the contradictions and tensions, especially between Russia and USA, make it a strong probability violent conflict could develop. Turkey has applied a Sunni based policy, together with Saudi Arabia and Qatar, in the region for a long time. It is trying to interfere in the region by supporting Islamic fascist gangs like Daiş and Al-Nusra to suppress the Rojava revolution and the Kurdish national liberation movement. Both its shooting down of a Russian fighter jet and its entrance into the Başika region alleging mistreatment of Turkmens has the same roots. The policies and plans of Russia in Syria are also not new. As a country who has close relations with the Ba’ath regime and which has military bases there, Russia is influential in the region. When USA and its allied powers appeal to every method, including war, in order to create their hegemonic areas in Syria, Russia did not wait and gave every kind of support to the Assad regime. Now, Russia develops new policies by operating directly in the area. Shia regions of Iraq and Iran are allied to this Russian block. The USA-UN imperialist alliance is trying to redesign the region on their own but have difficulties in doing so because they are not the only power there. People have a willpower too. They tried it in Syria but just like in Iraq, they could not succeed . Different ethnic and religious groups, and political forces in Iraq developed the power to derail the desires of imperialists. Daiş, indeed, with the hope of excluding these powers and of changing the balance in the region was supported and armed by the imperialists. However, after a time Daiş, who wanted to utilize these conditions to dominate a large region, got out of the control of the imperialists and regional reactionary states and became a great threat to the profits of these imperialists. The Iraqi army, Peshmerga, and Syrian forces could not intervene against Daiş effectively. Nor were the actions of the imperialists enough to prevent the progress and spread of Daiş. They struggled against the monster that they had themselves created by establishing an international coalition which, however, could not prevent Daiş. Daiş’s position of not meeting the expectations, and eventually attacking their supporters, can be likened to the situation of Germany during the reign of Hitler. The imperialists of the period supported Hitler’s fascism in order to impede the progress of the Soviet Union. However that monster, with the ambition of power, started to eat itself. For that reason, the resistance and the victory of the Soviets functioned in the role of a lifeguard for the states in the region occupied by Hitler. It is not a secret that components of the anti-Daiş block are against the ideological and political perspectives of the Rojava revolution and the defensive power of the YPG. However, the situation on the ground has obliged them to recognize the YPG forces who fight and resist against Daiş and others at great cost. It is a relationship that the imperialists are obliged to do but would prefer not to. There is no problem for us that some of the imperialists strike Daiş as an owner would hit an unruly wild dog. Especially as that dog attacks us. As a consequence, we are not bothered about them hitting Daiş a little. We should also stress that the USA, UN, and Russia relate to the Rojava revolution primarily through military cooperation. Neither the Rojava revolution nor the national democratic rights of Kurdish people are in question.

What do you think about the international solidarity Rojava has received?

We care about this issue very much in the Party. We are trying to make alliances, organise meetings, develop a unity of action and practices of solidarity with many international groups. However, it is not possible to say that these connections are as strong and widespread enough for the present day’s international revolutionary responsibility. It is enough to just look at the murderous crowds of Daiş travelling to the region to see the shameful situation of the groups who call themselves left, socialist, revolutionary, or anarchist. Think about those thousands of people from almost 100 countries who have travelled to join Daiş. The numbers of internationals coming to join the Rojava revolution which defends women’s liberation, equality, and justice is very weak when compared to this. We are sure that the Rojava revolution, which is like an oasis in the desert-like political environment of the Middle East, deserves more interest, support and solidarity. In order to understand what is happening here, and to improve it, every kind of international support should be given. Our revolution makes it possible. The Rojava revolution, with what it defends and makes possible, requires the international solidarity and unity of world revolutionaries. It must be underlined that revolutionaries and communists should be joining in larger number to defend and build the revolution – to guarantee the Rojava revolution will contribute to the democratization of Syria, the liberation of north Kurdistan, and the establishment and development of socialist federations/units. Our Party has continued to highlight and build the efforts to defend, spread, strengthen, and turn Rojava into the revolution of the people and oppressed people of the world by pioneering the foundation of the International Freedom Battalion.

What do you want to say to the international revolutionary movement?

The Rojava revolution today is the place and shelter for the people of world and oppressed people who fight against capitalism, imperialism and every kind of religious reactionary force. To protect the Rojava revolution means to resist capitalism, imperialism and every kind of religious reactionary force, to impede the progress of it, and to beat it. The victory of the Rojava revolution will be a strong blow against capitalism, imperialism and the reactionary dictatorships of the region. The Rojava revolution is the Paris Commune, Bolshevik revolution, Cuba, China, Vietnam, South Africa and Algeria of the present day. For that reason, to protect, support, and participate within it is the most concrete, inevitable and obligatory ideological and political responsibility of the revolutionary movement today.

sources: indymedia athens

original source, first published : lookleft on December 22, 2016

Turkey denies hackers wrote off electricity bill debts


A well-known Turkish hacker group claims to have stolen the passwords of a public electricity company, writing off the debts of a number of bills, but authorities say no data was compromised and the debt was already collected.

“We dedicate this action to the villagers of Yırca, to those who resist in Validebağ, and to those who know that there are things more important than money and status in this life,” RedHack said in a tweet Nov. 14, referring to two hotspots in the recent wave of environmental protests in Turkey.

The hacker group published the valid usernames and passwords for the management panel of Turkish Electricity Conduction Company (TEİAŞ). An accompanying video appears to show a hacker infiltrating the system and writing off debts worth 1.5 million Turkish Liras ($670,000) in electricity bills.

“Go and write off your own debts before they shut [the website] down,” RedHack added via Twitter.

Turkey’s Energy Ministry, on the other hand, announced Nov. 15 that the website of TEİAŞ was under a cyber attack, but no data was compromised. “Our system doesn’t allow a bill to be deleted permanently. The original copies of bills are stored at TEİAŞ. The debt that is allegedly written off was collected on Oct. 27,” the ministry statement said.



After Gezi: Erdoğan and political struggle in Turkey

The latest Global Uprisings film chronicles a year of resistance and repression that has left Turkey profoundly divided in the wake of the Gezi uprising.

Political struggles over the future of Turkey have left the country profoundly divided. Former Prime Minister, now President, Tayyip Erdogan, has fueled growing polarization through his authoritarian response to protests, his large-scale urban development projects, his religious social conservatism, and most recently, through his complicity in the Islamic State’s war against the Kurdish people in Northern Syria.

In the year after the Gezi uprising, protests continue against the government’s urban redevelopment plans, against police repression, in response to repression of the Kurdish and Alevi populations, and in honor of the martyrs that lost their lives in the uprising. Most recently, angry protests and riots have spread across the country in solidarity with the Kurdish People’s Protection Units fighting against the Islamic State in Kobanê, Rojava. This film chronicles a year of uprisings, resistance and repression since the Gezi uprising in Turkey.


Four Things the Left Should Learn from Kobane

Re-Posted in full from The Disorder of Things

The Kurdish town of Kobanê has recently become the centre of a geopolitical conflagration that may well change the course of Middle Eastern politics. After months of silence over the threat faced by Kurds from ISIS, the world is now finally watching, even if the ‘international community’ remains conspicuously quiet. However, many Western responses, be it from scholars, journos or activists, have somewhat predictably retracted into recycled critiques of US and UK imperialism, often at the expense of missing what is truly exceptional and noteworthy in recent developments. So, in the style of contemporary leftist listicles, here are four things we can and should learn from events in and around Kobanê.

1. It’s Time to Question the West’s Fixation on ISIS

If Barack Obama, David Cameron and Recep Tayyip Erdogan are to be believed, the ‘savagery’ of ‘fundamentalism’ is the primary focus of NATO involvement in Syria. Notably, many left critics have reproduced this very same fixationon ISIS when discussing Western interests. However, for an almighty imperialist organisation supposedly hell bent on stopping ‘Islamic extremism’, NATO have been curiously ineffective. In fact, the US has been indirectly responsible for arming ISIS and altogether incompetent and/or reluctant in arming the decidedly secular Kurdish resistance. US and UK air strikes have been fleeting, and at best symbolic, making little impact on the advance of ISIS. Moreover, Turkey has repeatedly turned a blind eye to ISIS’s use of its territories and borders for training activities and supply lines, respectively. More recently, as Kobanê teetered on the edge of conquest, Turkey insisted any military assistance was dependent on the Kurdish PYD abandoning self-determination and self-governing cantons, and agreeing to Turkish buffer zone in Kurdish controlled areas in Northern Syria (which amounts to little more than a colonial land grab). Now, considering the US and UK were keen to intervene long before ISIS was seen as a threat, and considering Turkey long-standing hostility to the PKK/PYD, we should be more demanding of any analysis of intervention that begins and ends with ISIS. In short, it is becoming increasingly clear that ISIS is little more than a pretext for NATO to pursue other geopolitical aims – namely removing Assad and destroying Kurdish autonomy.

2. Be Wary of Liberal Internationalism

Many anti-intervention critiques have argued that non-military options remain available through diplomatic channels and pressure on regional players such as Iran, the Gulf States and even Russia. This is to misread the geopolitical situation in the Middle East. Firstly, the US does not control every allied state with complete impunity. Despite historical relations of dependency, despite metaphors of ‘puppets’, most Gulf States are remarkably powerful actors in their own right, with interests and activities that are beyond US control. Any suggestion to ask the Saudis to end financial support is likely to be as effective as asking ISIS to calm down a bit. Secondly, to call for American diplomatic engagement with Russia and Iran is to assume relations of international cooperation that simply do not exist. It is to wish away long running geopolitical rivalries among three nation-states vying for regional dominance. It is to place undue emphasis on the agency of Western states – “if only the West made the naughty Eastern countries do this or that, the conflict would be resolved”.

Finally, it is to marginalise and thus close off the possibility of any non-state and anti-capitalist alternatives based on the PYD/PKK project of Democratic Autonomy. Indeed, it is unclear why the imperatives and motives of imperialism that are so prevalent in military action would not be equally problematic when it comes to ‘peaceful alternatives’ directed either by Western states, or indeed reactionary and anti-democratic regional powers. As such we should critically question government claims that military intervention is ‘the only option’. But we should also be wary of empty pacifism based on (neo)liberal and state-centric conceptions of cooperation, insofar as conditions for the latter are absent (and by the way, in the capitalist state system, they’re always absent).

3. Listen to Kurdish Voices

The Western left often suffers from a debilitating and orientalist tendency to overstate the agency of the US and relegate communities and societies affected by intervention to passive actors, not worthy of considered analysis. Indeed, it is striking the number of anti-imperialist commentaries that rely less on the experiences and dynamics of Kurdish communities and more on rehashed critiques of the logic of Great Power predation. On the one hand, this can cause the left to duplicate caricatures of ‘ugly sectarianism’ and ‘Islamic fundamentalism’ in ways that don’t seem too far off the arguments of Cameron and Obama (for some useful correctives see here and here).

On the other hand, it offers little consideration of the voices of Kurdish communities under attack since their intentions and actions simply don’t matter to opposing ‘imperialism at home’. The resultant politics can often be deleterious. We might wonder, for example, what the people of Kobanê would make of calls for ‘peaceful alternatives’ to war. This is especially important, since in Western Kurdistan (Northern Syria) Kurds are defending what is arguably the best hope for left politics in the region. Even the most cursory glance at the constitutional make-up and political achievements of Kurdish cantons would put most Western organisations to shame. Yet this week, while hunger strikesand solidarity demonstrations from Kurdish people were taking place in the UK and beyond, anti-war groupsorganised an entirely separate and potentially conflicting protest. The sooner the Western left abandons its penchant for reducing class to geopolitics, the sooner it can offer authentic solidarity to groups and communities that deserve and need it.

4. Keep an Eye on Turkey

As a result of the Turkish response to Kobanê, Kurdish people and their allies have taken to the streets in towns and cities across Turkey, clashing with police and the gendarmerie to a degree not seen since the resistance movement of 2013. The protests have been militant and focussed, barricading streets, targeting checkpoints, banks, police, military and government buildings and, according to some reports, liberating certain districts. As of late, Turkish politics had been at an impasse with the energy of Gezi seemingly dissipating between the pincer movement of state violence and Erdogan’s electoral victories. At the same time, the so-called Kurdish peace process has stalled, perhaps irrevocably, as the Turkish state’s reconciliation has proven to be little more than lip-service. It is difficult to predict whether the current confrontation between protesters and the state will escalate, but it is clear that Turkish machinations in Kurdistan will lead to a Kurdish response in Turkey.

Large sections of Turkish society remain deeply racist (last night a twitter hashtag inciting violence against Kurds was trending in Turkey) and so polarisation is likely. However, there are reasons to be hopeful that this time may be different. Gezi has prefigured a new – but still very imperfect – support for Kurdish liberation, most clearly evidenced in the unprecedented support for the pro-Kurdish HDP in Turkey’s recent presidential elections. Moreover, in Kobanê, Rojava and elsewhere the PKK/PYD model of Democratic Autonomy constitutes a powerful working alternative to the authoritarianism of the AKP. In this respect, the future of Kobanê is crucial to the democratic and revolutionary hopes of Turkish, Syrian, as well as Kurdish, people.




Update on defence of Kobane


Photo – members of Istanbul anarchist group DAF after crossing into Syria to take part in the defence of Kobane against Isis / Daesh.

On Friday we repotted that “Istanbul anarchists along other leftists, feminists, and ‘Gezi park types’ have managed to cross over into Syria and the northern town of Kobane which is currently threatened by ISIS.” Below is a more detailed report translated from Alternative libertaire, a sister member of the network.

For several days at the Syrian-Turkish border, the city of Kobanê is besieged by forces of the Islamic State (Daesh). Kobanê is a strategic turning point. If the city falls, the whole of Syrian Kurdistan is threatened, and with it a political and social model, that of “democratic autonomy” and “democratic confederalism” built since July 2012.

More than 100,000 inhabitants and residents have become refugees on Turkish territory.

The city is defended by the People’s Protection Units (YPG), militias linked to the PKK, and in which alongside the majority of Kurdish fighters, are also Arabs, Turks, Muslims, Yazidis, Christians or atheists, united against the fanatics of Daesh.

Thousands of young people, socialists, trade unionists, revolutionaries, feminists, libertarians have poured in from all over Turkey to Kobanê. They go there to support the refugees and defend the city.

The Turkish army tries to disperse them, yet is accused of being much more permissive with the jihadists who are also trying to cross the border to join Daesh.

Despite the blockades of the Turkish army, hundreds of activists and militants have managed to cross the border. Among them, the comrades of the Revolutionary Anarchist Action Group, who made the trip to Istanbul to join the defense of Kobanê, and sent these photos.

Kobanê has become a flashpoint where two worlds confront each other: the progressive, secular and revolutionary forces on one side, and the religious fanatics on the other.

The references to “a political and social model, that of “democratic autonomy” and “democratic confederalism” built since July 2012″ are in relation to the claimed change in organisational methods of the PKK, under the influence of US anarchist Murray Bookchin’s writings on Libertarian Municipalism. We’ve not had any real chance to evaluate these claims but there was some discussion of them at our recent Dublin branch meeting, recording below


Photo report: Direct action against war

Istanbul anarchists along other leftists, feminists, and ‘Gezi park types’ have managed to cross over into Syria and the northern town of Kobane which is currently threatened by ISIS.

Vice reported yesterday that ISIS is within 5 miles of the city and are attacking with US military equipment including tanks that outmatches the weapons available to the YPG – Kurdish People’s Protection Units . Vice also reported that “Hundreds of Turkish Kurds are arriving too, sneaking or bribing their way across the border to fight alongside the YPG”

The photo shows a banner of the anarchist group DAF apparently just after the border has been crossed. The statement we were sent says “People are suffering from hunger and thirst, getting ill, getting injured; migrating and dying. They are still fighting in that struggle for existence. People are fighting not for the schemes and strategies around meeting tables, not for income, but for their freedom”

We hope to bring more details and further photos as they become available

“Thousands of young people, socialists, trade unionists, revolutionary, feminist, libertarian poured in from all over Turkey to Kobanê. They and they go there to support and defend the city réfugié.es.

The Turkish army tries to disperse them, as she is accused of being much more permissive with the jihadists who are trying, too, to cross the border to join Daech.

Despite the dams of the Turkish army, hundreds of activists and militants have managed to cross the border. Among them, the comrades of the Revolutionary Anarchist Action Group, who made the trip to Istanbul to join the defense of Kobanê, and sent these photos


More available  on french

شبکه آنارشیستی aded

– this is a translation from our sister group in France, Alternative libertaire




Turkey: Demonstrations for the first anniversary of the Gezi Park occupation


[Sources]Istanbul Indymedia, Sendika, Twitter.
Timezone: E.E.T.


Turkey [01:00] The newswire will stop for today. From Turkey to Greece and all over the world: Insurrection, Revolution, Freedom!

Turkey [00:25] Detentions from today’s protests up to now – Istanbul: 169, Ankara: 69, Izmir: 50 and Adana: 21.

Istanbul [00:20] The feminists and LGBTQ people are marching in alleys of Istiklal Street. photo

Istanbul [00:09] Many protesters detained in Mis Street. Police blockade continues all over Taksim’s streets. photo

Istanbul [00:08] The resistance continues with fireworks in Nurtepe. photo photo 2

Izmir [00:04] The demos are nearly over.

Istanbul [23:57] Police attacks the people in Bahariye. The protesters don’t want to leave the area. video1 video2 video3

Istanbul [23:55] The woman waits for emergency after police shot her with plastic bullet. video

Istanbul [23:53] There are detains in Sarıgazi.

Αdana[Early in the afternoon]There are information regarding the protester shown in the picture that he is seriously injured, after a police attack.Photo

Istanbul [23:50] Besiktas right now photo

Izmir [23:45] Izmir now φωτογραφία

Istanbul [23:45] A women was shot by police with plastic bullet in Mis Street. Police still attacks with tear gas and water cannon. video video

Ankara [23:41] The protesters use bricks from a house to make a barricade. The owner of house is letting them collect the

Ankara [23:35] The resistance continues in Tuzlucayır for the anniversary of Gezi. photo 1 photo 2

Izmir [23:32] One protester from Halkevleri, Alper Doğan, is assaulted by police.

Istanbul [23:23] Taksim now photo

Istanbul [23:20] Police attacks into Nane Street from Mis Street in Taksim. video

Istanbul [23:15] Many people are detained during the police attacks in Besiktas. photo

Izmir [23:13] Cops attack people with water cannon and tear gas while the protesters are singing for Taksim and Gezi.

Istanbul [23:10] The resistance continues in Okmeydani. photo

Istanbul [23:07] The people continue singing in Mis Street. video

Istanbul [23:05] Clashes in neighbourhoods continue φωτογραφία 1 φωτογραφία 2

Izmir [23:00] Cops attack again the protester in Alsancak. They also attack the people who are sitting in cafe.

Izmir [23:30] Gundogdu Square and Alsancak are under police blockade. photo 1 photo 2

Ankara [23:00] People continue to gather at the Tuzluçayır photo

Istanbul [22:55] People are singing and dancing in Mis Street, in Taksim. photo The people in Besiktas are playing leapfrog photo

Instanbul [22.52] Today, members of Erdogan’s Youth party, were moving in the same line with cops.

Instanbul [22.50] Istiklal avenue is full of cops together with members of Erdogan’s Youth Party. photo

Antakya [22:44] The people are shouting slogans against the cops after the cops used tear gas against them in Armutlu.

Antakya [22:41] The resistance continues with fireworks in Armutlu.

Izmir [22:41] The people are standing in front of the barricade set up against the police group with the water canon and sing “TOMA (water cannon), please come!”photo

Istanbul [22.40] 76 detained, 11 injured as Turkish police crackdown on protesters in Istanbul

Istanbul [22:35] Police attacked in Sarachane and deployed in front of Istanbul Municipalty’s building.

Istanbul [22:30] A woman stands in front of the water cannon and tries to block it. photo

Istanbul [22:24] The people are shouting to the police while police are detainig the protesters. One protester was taken back. photo

Istanbul [22:18] 4 protesters are detained in Besiktas. photo

Istanbul [22:17] Police went back from Nurtepe after the resistance of people. photo

Istanbul [22:15] A volunteer reporter, who was shot on the arm was treated near Mis Sokak. photo

Izmir [22:15] Police removed the cars from street and the water cannon is preparing to attack.

Instanbul [22:13] Erdogan’s dogs are hitting anyone that stands in their way.

Istanbul [22:12] The cameraman from DHA is on the cops’ side. In live broadcasting, he was smiling and shaking hands with the cops.

Istanbul [22:12] Police attacks to people in Sarıgazi while they were marching. The clashes begin.

Istanbul [22:07] Riot police and plain clothed cops blockade in Besiktas.Police attacks continues in Mis Street. photo

Istanbul [22:05] YDG-H (Kurdish Front) says they are still clashing with police in Gazi District. photo

Istanbul [21:54] One protester is wounded during the police attacks in Mis

Istanbul [21:53] According to their twitter account, one police vehicle is burned by protesters of YDG-H. (kurdish front)photo

Izmir [21:43] Police attack protesters in 2th Kordon, while they are marching to Basmane. The attacks still continue.

Denizli [21:39] The demo continues to Denizli. photo

Istanbul [21:36] The tear gas attacks continues in Mis St. photo

Istanbul [21:34] Cops attack with tear gas on Mis Street. photo

Kocaeli [21:33] The sit-in protest continues in front of AKP’S

Istanbul [21:32] Barricades in İstanbul, Kadıköy now photo

Istanbul [21:30] Police attacks protesters in Cihangir. video

Ankara [21:29] Clashes continues in Kızılay, in Ankara. photo

Antakya [21:28] Police attack people in front of a gas station in Antakya.

Istanbul [21:27] Groups of police stand at street corners in vicinity of Taksim Sq. Every 100 meters, another group of cops photo

Istanbul [21:25] The protesters are still waiting in front of TMMOB’s (Union Chamber of Turkish Architects and Engineers) apartment. Police attack people again in

Ankara [21:25] On the Gezi Anniversary demonstrators retaliate with fireworks after police violence photo

Istanbul [21:22] Police attacks with tear gas in alley’s of Istiklal Street. photo1 photo2

Istanbul [21:20] Gazi district now photo 1 photo 2 photo 3

Ankara [21:17] Sakarya Street gassed. Police detained protesters. photo

Kocaeli [21:13] The people are sitting against the police blockade in front of AKP building.

Istanbul [21:12] Protesters and riot police wait opposite each other in Ergenekon Street.

Antakya [21:12] Gezi anniversary march starts in Antakya. photo

Eskisehir [21:11] The people are watching documentary about Gezi for anniversary. photo

Istanbul [21:10] A picture from Istiklal Street. photo

Istanbul [21:10] Several residents have been banging their pots and pans on their windows to protest the police. Particularly in the Istanbul neighborhoods of Beşiktaş and Kadıköy since 9 p.m., following the call of Taksim Solidarity.

Antakya [21:08] The demo started. Hunderds of people are marching.

Istanbul [21:08] People try to escape from a cafe after police used tear gas to disperse protesters photo

Istanbul [21:00] Lawyers say there are at least 97 detained till now.

Istanbul [20:59] Water cannon attacks houses photo

Denizli [20:55] People march for the Gezi anniversary. photo

Adana [20:54] The police attack stopped and protesters come out of apartment buildings again.

Istanbul [20:54] Protester wounded by rubber bullet photo

Istanbul [20:51] Even journalists with official press cards issued by Turkish ministries are not allowed to enter İstiklal Avenue, which looks desolated except from police presence.

Istanbul [20:50] Police putting out a fire in the side streets off Taksim. Pots and pans being banged from windows photo

Antakya [20:48] Demos will start at 21:00 in Armutlu, where Abdullah Comert was killed by police last year.

Istanbul: [20:48] Taksim Solidarity continues the sit-in protest in Meselik Street.

Istanbul [20:43] Cops attack with tear gas in Asmalımescit in Taksim.

Istanbul [20:43] Earlier in Kadikoy photo

Bursa [20:41] The people are marching for Gezi Anniversary ‘this is just the beginning, our struggle continues’. photo

Istanbul [20:40] Police detaining demonstrators who defy protest ban on Gezi Park anniversary photo

Istanbul [20:39] Demonstrators on their way to Taksim, crossing the bridge from Kadiköy photo

Istanbul [20:37] There are 3 detaines from Macka Student Collective.

Istanbul [20:35] The people are sitting in Istiklal Street, one of protesters shouting to police ‘It’s a crime, please leave the area.’

Istanbul [20:31] Police attacks journalists in Tunel Square, in front of the Swedish Palace photo

Istanbul [20:30] Police attacks with plastic bullets in Mis Street, Taksim. video. Several people around İstiklal Avenue in Istanbul have been affected by tear gas. photo

Istanbul [20:29] Police beating and detaining two lovers in Istiklal photo

Istanbul [20:28] Out of nowhere 100+ plainclothed policemen w/batons raided Cihangir. Protesters dispersed photo

Istanbul [20:27] Police filming people coming out of a bookstore in Taksim

Istanbul: [20:25] Police attacks people in Acıbadem while they are marching from Kadıköy to Bosphours.

Ankara [20:25] Protester injured on his head photo

Istanbul [20:24] People staging sit-in as police does not allow to the side of protesters

Istanbul [20:22] Protesters burned the trees and houses as resist for TOMA photo

Istanbul [20:10] Police raiding Taksim Solidarity offices photo

Istanbul [20:06] Protesters on their way back to Besiktas after police attacks in Osmanbey.

Istanbul [20:04] Police attacks protesters with plastic bullets at Sakayik Street, in Sisli.

Istanbul [20:02] People throw eggs to the police from apartments in Nisantasi, Taksim.

Istanbul [20:00] Police blockade in Cihangir,

Istanbul [19:58] Riot police deployed in front of Mephisto Cafe. The cop in charge threaten the owner of Mephisto Cafe: ‘I can order 10 cops to shoot everyone.’ photo

Istanbul [19:51] Police attacks with tear gas and detaines the protesters in Cihangir, Taksim. photo 1 photo 2

Istanbul [19:47] Some demonstrators shoot fireworks at police in the side strees of Taksim, while two children were reportedly detained for allegedly throwing stones at police officers with their slings.

Istanbul [19:40] Taksim Solidarity: “we will not make a statement until the police violence ends and we will not leave the area, either.”

Istanbul [19:30] A police vehicle (TOMA) uses water cannon to put out a fire in a trash bin near Galata Tower in the Tünel neighborhood of Taksim amid intense tear gas. video

Istanbul [19:26] HaberTurk TV reports that police used plastic bullets against protesters in Osmanbey, the neighborhood of Taksim.

Istanbul [19:23] Police also intervened in Istanbul’s Gazi neighborhood, a traditionally hotspot for street action, with tear gas and water cannons to stop the rally toward Taksim. The clashes between the police and the protesters continue.

Adana [19:06] Police attacks protesters with water cannons in Adana. photo

Istanbul [19:06] Detentions from undercover cops photo

Ankara [18:57] Cops attacked the demo. The people are gathering again. photo

Istanbul [18:50] Three organizations are gathering in Istiklal Street after Taksim Solidarity’s call. photo photo

Istanbul [18:44] Demonstratos gather on Sıraselviler Street near Saksim Square. photo

Istanbul [18:30] Taksim Solidarity protestors who were not allowed to Taksim Square started a sit- in protest.

Istanbul [18:15] Police starts to move towards Taksim Solidarity demonstrators with water cannons.

Istanbul [18:11] Taksim Solidarity starts to march to Taksim Square. photo photo

Istanbul: [17:55] Police attacks continue in Gazi District photo

Istanbul: [17:50] Crowds gather on Istiklal street and perfom folk dances together. photo

Istanbul: [17:37] Police keeps citizens in handcuffs while they run security checks on Istiklal street photo

Istanbul [17:19] Istiklal Street is getting more

Istanbul [17:10] Police blockade at Taksim Square. photo, photo.

Istanbul [17:00] Police cordon in Kucukparmakkapı Street. photo

Istanbul [16:38] ‘Gezi Library’ and ‘Gezi Commune Kitchen’, in Istiklal Street. photo

Istanbul [16:30] Taksim Solidarity met chamber of architects and will march to Taksin Square at 19:00

Istanbul [16:00] Cops started wearing their gas masks photo

Istanbul [15:58] The reporter from CNN, Ivan Watson, is released.

Istanbul [15:50] The people are protesting in front of Soma holding company’s building. photo

Istanbul [15:42] The entrance of Istiklal Street is closed by cops. photo

Istanbul [15:38] Cops at the streets of Cihangir. photo

Istanbul [15:30] ‘Don’t be afraid!’ in Taksim Square. photo Last photo of Taksim: photo

Istanbul [15:15] Police is deployed at the occupied train station in Haydarpasa. photo

Istanbul [15:00] The metro entrance has been shut down. The reporter from CNN, Ivan Watson, is detained. photo

Istanbul: [14:43] Water cannon and police bus are waiting at Istiklal Street. photo

Istanbul [14:36] Police attacks protesters while they’re reading books in front of Gezi Park. Photo

Istanbul [14:28] Main train station, Haydarpasa Station is occupied by small protester group. Photo

Istanbul [14:55] Taksim Square. Photo

Istanbul [14:00] A few protesters are reading book in front of Gezi Park. photo

İstanbul [13:00] People are getting together in Nurtepe Djemevi for Elif Çermik’s funreal. She passed away yesterday after being 159 days in a coma. photo

Istanbul [12:52] All the streets are closed throught Taksim

Istanbul [10:50] Gezi Park is closed by cops.





TURKEY: Revolutionary Anarchist Action’s (DAF) Statement about the Soma miners.

Killed by the state – Our sorrow is the seed of our rage

The fire that appeared in the coal mine in Manisa-Soma on 13th of May, became one of the biggest massacres in these lands. With the fire, hundreds of coal miners were poisoned by intensive carbon monoxide. The number of the workers who have died, increased every hour. The minister of energy, minister of labour and the prime minister tried to hide the real number of miners who have died while declaring that “it was a sad work accident”. The prime minister declared that “these kind of accidents could happen anytime.”


While thousands of people were waiting near the mine and trying to get news ffrom their relatives who were in the coal mine, the ambulances, funeral vehicles and cold storage vehicles showed the gravity of the massacre. The number of dead miners increased; 78, 151, 245, 282…

And the number is increasing. The ones who are responsible for this massacre, are trying to legitimate the “deaths” by saying “this is destiny”. There are protests around the whole coutnry. People are in the streets claiming that it is not destiny nor an accident, it is a massacre by the state and companies.


On 14th May, police attacked the people who protested the creators of this massacre. The state and its armed forces thought they could prevent this anger with plastic bullets, tear gas and gas bombs. But the ones who are in the streets shout together: “Murderer state.” Image

State officials and bosses of the energy companies are claiming that they are mourning. But they are the murderers who forced the people to work hundreds of meters under the surface for gaining money to live. They are the murderers who forced people to work in such condititions where death is inevitable.

We are sorrowful for the ones who were murdered in the mines by capitalists and the state. We are in the street with anger against these murderers. We are not mourning, this is rebellion. Our sorrow is the seed of our anger!

Revolutionary Anarchist Action (DAF)




‘Everywhere is Resistance’: Turkey Protests Flare Following Death of Teen

turkey_3turkey_3Mass protests in Turkey have flared up once again following the death of a boy who died Tuesday night from an injury inflicted by police during last summer’s country-wide wave of protests.

Tens of thousands of protesters filled the streets of Istanbul Wednesday to mourn the death of Berkin Elvan, 15, whose death followed 269 days in a coma after having sustained a blow to the head by a tear gas canister fired by police.

‘Everywhere is Resistance’: Turkey Protests Flare Following Death of Teen