Category Archives: Class struggle
Lambros Foundas lives through our flames.
Responsibility claim for the attacks on the houses of cops Efthimis
Efthimiadis and Ilias Hajis.
On March 10th 2010, anarchist and member of Revolutionary Struggle Lambros Foundas is executed in Dafni during the expropriation of a vehicle that was going to be used in an act of revolutionary violence of the organization.
The arson of the residences of cops Efthimis Efthimiadis on 20 Kiprou
street in Agios Pavlos, and Ilias Hajis on 17 Papanastasiou street in Sikies, Thessaloniki in the early hours of March 9th, is our minimal homage to the memory of a comrade who was killed by the shots of the metropolitan occupation army of democracy, fighting for the Revolution. Dead fighters are the reason and cause of the continuation of our revolutionary struggle.
On Thursday January 5th, are arrested the members of Revolutionary Struggle Pola Roupa and Kostandina Athanasopoulou. During the arrest of comrade Pola, the hooded cops of the anti-Terrorist force kidnap her 6year old son and with the order of the Prosecutor of Minors Nikolou, transfer him to the psychiatric wing of ‘Pedon’ hospital, under guard.
The 3 members of R.S., Pola Roupa, Kostandina Athanasopoulou and Nikos Maziotis, from the first moment of their arrests begin a hunger-thirst strike, demanding the immediate release of the 6year old child and the custody be given to the relatives.
The message is clear: Against the stubbornness of revolutionaries, repression deploys its filthiest and most unethical weapons. However this despicable attempt by the mechanisms, to extort and take revenge from those arrested, found opposite it the determination of the 3 members of R.S. as well as the dynamic of the multiform struggle which through a series of actions of political support and aggressive solidarity, together raised a temporary mound to the vulgarity of repression.
All the action of the R.S. can be summoned in the application of a steady revolutionary strategy of destabilizing the regime. The 3 repressive strikes against the organization after the execution of comrade Lambros Foundas and the targeting of a wider circle of individuals based on contact and the relationships they had with members of the organization, the 1 million euro bounty on two members, the injury during the arrest of comrade Nikos Maziotis in Monastiraki, the kidnapping of a 6year old child, the recent threats against comrade Pola (plan to murder her, and the bribery attempt by the member of the european parliament for Syriza, Kostandina Kouneva) and the refusal to grant furlough to comrade Kostas Gournas illustrate the fear of authority towards the strategy of armed struggle.
In the summer of 2002 authority attempted, through the arrests of members of the 17November organization, to impose the fear of resistance and futility of armed propaganda. The bang from the explosion of R.S.’s bomb at the courts of Evelpidon in the early hours of September 5th 2003 was the end of this tranquility, order and security. 14 years later, authority attempts to impose the same futility. History calls us to prove once more that they are wrong.
Lets organize our collective self-defence, from which will arise
aggressive formations of revolutionary violence.
Violence to the violence expressed by the repressive mechanisms in the name of order and security against the fighting parts.
Blood for the blood of the dead revolutionaries from internationalized repression.
Attack with all means on the carriers and representatives of repression.
Attack through the struggles and demonstrations, attack on the centres of decision-making and police stations, attack their homes.
Solidarity to the imprisoned fighters and rebels around the earth, from Standing Rock in Dacota to the flaming french suburbs.
As for Tsoutsouvis, Kassimis, Foundas, Morales, and every dead revolutionary, the struggle continues.
Anarchist Action organization.
We send strength to all anarchist combatants held captive in the dungeons of the Greek state.
We send solidarity to all those facing the state’s latest attacks against squatters, anarchists, and refugees: we are inspired by your refusal to be paralyzed.
via insurrection news
Received on 15.03.17:
A few nights ago we sabotaged about 50 parking meters by gluing their locks, coin slots, and card readers. This was a simple act which took no specialized skill. Get some superglue, cover your face, keep your eyes peeled for cops or loyal citizens, and act.
These parking meters were targeted because they fund the Bloomington Police Department and because they force people to pay to be downtown. We hate the police and we hate gentrification and class society, so we chose to attack them.
We act as a gesture of combative memory for Lambros Foundas, anarchist of Revolutionary Struggle killed by the forces of the Greek state on March 10, 2010. Our memory is not one of passive mourning or martyrdom, but of active struggle against the state, capital, and domination in all of its forms. The flame of Lambros’ life kept us warm as we walked through the winter night, and we will carry that flame with us in all parts of our lives, which are lived at war with this society of masters and slaves.
We send strength to all anarchist combatants held captive in the dungeons of the Greek state.
We send solidarity to all those facing the state’s latest attacks against squatters, anarchists, and refugees: we are inspired by your refusal to be paralyzed.
Long live anarchy
DECLARATION OF SUPPORT AND SOLIDARITY TO N. MAZIOTIS AND P.ROUPA
The ghost of Frederica (once queen of Greece) is still wandering around. After the first episode (when their 6 years old child of P.Roupa and N.Maziotis sent to a psychiatric clinic, the hunger strike of his parents, the outrage and the whole reaction, the statements of support and the final decision to award custody to his grandmother until the final decision of the court) we are entering in the second episode.
On 1st of March is going to be decided the chlid’s custody in Kalamata and his parents are demanding their transfer to attend personally the trial due to the high importance has the casefor their child’s future.
Making use of legalistic state arsenal, especially of 1532 AK, according to which “the prosecutormay by ex officio order the implementations of whatever measures appropriate”, it seems that such a treatment applies when it comes to enemies of the state and capital, while in the case of members of the state gangs-assassinators of 15 year old children (for example, cop Korkoneas who shot dead Alexis Grigoropoulos in 2008) there are not any measures appropriate.
The constitutional rights of the child (Article 7 Paragraph 2) have been brutally violated in this case and the left-right government is hidden behind the so-called “independent justice”, notifying the ducks, and even tearing down even their sovereignty coming from the Constitution. So, the ghost of Fredericais followed by the vampire of patriarchy.
We boldly express our solidarity to the legitimate desire of parents for their presence at the trial- something which is consistent of their struggles against the state, capital and bosses.
NO CHILDREN IN THE HANDS OF THE STATE
FREEDOM TO THOSE IN CELLS
South Revolutionary Cores
Recently the squat Autonomous Zone Argo
in Izola (Slovenia) was evicted by a private security company and police. Another squat UPInde
in the neighbouring city Koper is also under threat of eviction. Both spaces are owned by The Bank Assets Management Company (“Bad bank” created by the state). In both spaces comrades of FAO-IFA are active.
On the delegate meeting of FAO-IFA that took place on 14/1/16 in Ljubljana the strategy to defend the spaces and other steps of engagement were planned. Understand this post as a call for solidarity!
On the photo (from the delegate meeting of FAO-IFA):
“Bad Bank – Bad Government, hands off UP INDE & ARGO! FAO-IFA”
More info in slovenian here.
Announcement of The Collective U.P. Inde:
ASBESTOS LEAVING, UPI REMAINING
The Creative Platform Inde (hereinafter UPI) welcomes the planned remediation of hazardous waste (asbestos, used needles) in the former factory INDE. However, we are announcing that we are not consenting to emptying the already restored spaces which from October, 5th 2014 have been in the use of UPI. We believe that the cleaning of hazardous waste is perfectly feasible without interrupting the activities of the collective.
Since October 2014 we have proved through active involvement and massive response of visitors that this space is one of tremendous importance to the region. At the premises of UPI we are carrying out social programs (food for the socially disadvantaged, gathering supplies for the refugees, etc.), cultural programs (more than 300 concerts, roundtables, art exhibitions, film evenings, etc.), educational programs (lectures, workshops, practical training, etc. .), environmental campaigns, remedial actions, sports programs (skate park, dance workshops, self-defense, sporting competitions and sports days) and so on.
The space of UPI represents a polygon for learning life skills and gaining new knowledge. All this is being done on a voluntary basis, free of charge, non-profit, and with a great deal of personal commitment. Now, with the Autonomous zone Argo gone, there is a danger that the region could lose the last of this kind of spaces that allow the exercise of our creative, social and critical potential, not basing on market logic.
In addition to UPI several homeless people found roof over their heads in the wider area of the abandoned factory. With the closing of this space they will lose their last refuge. DUTB is thereby endangering their lives during the coldest days of the year.
The premises of UPI occupy only a small part of the total area of the building. Wastes are located in a relatively remote part of the building, so it is possible to remove them without UPI having to suspend its activities and programs. We are looking forward to February 8th when we are planning a series of events titled INDELETNICA#2 which will celebrate the second anniversary of our public activity, this time finally in a completely safe environment.
The Collective U.P. Inde
Any additional information can be obtained on the website www.indeplatforma.org
Announcement and call for solidarity from Local Group Alternativa Obstaja, Koper
Autonomous spaces in Slovenia under attack, support the struggle!
Call for solidarity actions for INDE squat in Koper, Slovenia
In the last few years we have seen new autonomous spaces emerging in
Slovenia, joining the struggles of older squats all over the country.
Along the Slovenian coast, two enormous buildings were occupied until
recently. The occupations brought radical politics and different social
relations to their environment. Both squats were always open to a
variety of projects and initiatives, but had strong anarchist presence
and activities as well. The spaces used to be factories, which were
destroyed by the brutal privatization.
Right after New Years, ARGO squat in Izola was forcefully evicted.
Eviction was preceded by a series of harassments from police and
security company, that in some cases resulted in serious bodily injuries
and fines for comrades there. The second coastal squat, called INDE, got
an eviction notice just a few days ago. We are supposed to leave the
premises on January 30.
Both squats are currently owned by so-called Bad Bank. This is a state
institution under the management of the Ministry of Finance, created to
resolve debt by big failed speculative financial investment that crashed
during the economic crisis. In other words: they are there to sell
buildings cheap and open them to further financial speculations, by
which the rich will once again profit, while all of us will lose.
The eviction of INDE is going to happen under a pretense of cleaning up
dangerous material at the site. ARGO was also declared a dangerous zone
by authorities, but the only thing they are trying to clean out of it
are comrades who are bringing life into these spaces.
This is another blow in a hard year for the squatting movement in
Slovenia, since all of the spaces are facing attacks, either by Nazis
or/and police, private security, and state institutions. We understand
this kind of pressure as a part of increased repression that the
so-called migrant crisis has justified. More is at stake than just our
building. We are a hope of a different world, where solidarity, mutual
aid, anti-authoritarianism, and non-hierarchical relations are still
possible. Just few months ago we prevented the eviction of Rog squat in
Ljubljana. We know we can do that again.
We call for comrades all around the world to show us solidarity. We will
welcome you here, but will be happy if you fight where you stand. Send
us a letter of support, or raise a banner! Or squat something yourself!
They can never hold us back if we stand together strong. Everything you
do will keep our spirits up.
If we go down, we are going down in style. Join our struggle!
Local Group Alternativa Obstaja, Koper (part of FAO-IFA)
After 4 days of hunger and thirst strike of 3 members of R.O. Revolutionary Struggle( Pola Roupa, Nikos Maziotis and Konstantina Athanasopoulou)we finally see an epilogue:
According to Athens Indymedia a new order was issued by the prosecutor on 08.01.16 terminating the detention of Lambros-Viktoras Maziotis Roupas, the 6 year old son of Revolutionary Struggle members Pola Roupa and Nikos Maziotis, and awarding temporary custody of the child to his grandmother. The child has already left the hospital with his relatives. Comrades Pola Roupa, Nikos Maziotis and Konstantina Athanasopoulou have ended their hunger and thirst strike. A decision on final custody of the child will take place in six months time.
SOLIDARITY WITH REVOLUTIONARY STRUGGLE!
Pola Roupa and Konstantina Athanasopoulou were earlier this day 08.01.2017. transferred to the hospital, because of their health condition during this exhausting battle.
Solidarity actions took place all over Greece during this 4 days – people showing their support and solidarity with various gatherings, protests, letters, banners, graffiti. Also prisoners refuse to go in their cells and some of them wrote solidarity letters to the strikers, as well as other individuals and organizations that condemned the Government, Minister of Justice, Health, and other responsible persons for holding and kidnapping a child and holding it non-legal in custody institutions isolated.
This precedent in treatment of the 6 year old child has seen as an act of class revenge and hatred to his parents because of their political choices of revolutionary armed struggle, and compares with dictatorship in Latin America as Dimitris Koufodinas, the member of 17N stated.
Solidarity Actions (via InsurectionNews):
07.01.17: Two OPKE (Group of Crime Prevention and Suppression) police vehicles ambushed in Exarcheia, Athens with Molotov cocktails, one OPKE vehicle completely destroyed.
07.01.17: 3 ATMs torched in Thessaloniki
06.01.17: Car torched outside the home of Tassos Tsakiridi, Deputy Mayor for Social Policy in the Neapoli-Sykies Municipality in Thessaloniki
Also on 06.01.17: NEA TV (TV News) station was occupied in Chania, Crete and 8 minute message was transmitted live in solidarity with the 3 imprisoned Revolutionary Struggle members on hunger & thirst strike:
SOLIDARITY WITH REVOLUTIONARY STRUGGLE!
It is the question are we too old when we start remembering and researching the past, or it was always part of us we bear like a cargo.
All the stories that means something to us, are kind of “genealogy of the subject”…we are dragged already in the maze of our own past, memorized stories, whether our own or people close to us.
Life goes fast and we are living on this earth immersed in the events, and part of us is always looking back, in to the past. Past has this privileged status over future, because we can look at it, we can see the picture in our mind, of what we experienced, or heard, or we can look at the photography. This process involves our imagination. (Whether we experienced or just heard about some events. )
Photography is mimicking (mimesis) our memory (nemesis). A process that is primarily mechanical, involves mechanic work of photo camera, and later work in a dark chamber, with chemicals, works on the principle of mechanics and chemistry.
The images detached from every aspect of life fuse in a common stream in which the unity of this life can no longer be reestablished. Reality considered partially unfolds, in its own general unity, as a pseudo-world apart, an object of mere contemplation. The specialization of images of the world is completed in the world of the autonomous image, where the liar has lied to himself. The spectacle in general, as the concrete inversion of life, is the autonomous movement of the non-living.
Guy Debord 1967, Society of the Spectacle,
New age obsession with photography is kind of Nemesis and living virtually in the past and trying to memorize and remember everything, from our past, personally and universal. But the ways of this remembrance are telling us that present is changing the way past looks to us. Deeper relation with history is motivated with present. Why we want to remember and what to remember?
War and memory
There is sort of fetishism about the history, of some events that represents to us big events in human history. We want to remember them because the lessons we can learn about them…I recently started to be interested for the past, and started to research systematically parts of classic history and also less knows history.
It is well known that anarchists are against wars (imperial wars) and that they (some of them) only supports class war. All wars that were raging in history were wars for profit and power. Anarchists here have a constant anti-war orientation…In this wars upper classes were ready to sacrifice their own sons only for interests of their ideology: profit, glory and power. But we, anarchist say that in wars the poor people are the ones that losses the most…What is glorious about wars? My great grandfather was fighter in WWI, in Thessaloníki Front and survivor of this horrors, as well as the horrors of the WWII. His father died in Balkan war, and his grave is not known…near their family house in the mountain family build a small monument for him. From childhood I was listening the stories from my grandmother and grandfather about WWII, and partisans, and WWI…and other stories from the past.
My grandfather lived 90 years, he survived horrors of WWI, and WWII, like many people of this generations. Also I grow up on my grandmother’s stories about her father…( he was solder in Thessaloníki Front in Greece, was awarded the Albanian medal, (“albanska spomenica”) after the war he worked as a border guard on the Bulgarian-Serbian border, and in some way it is the reason why our family was saved in WWII when Bulgarian solders wanted to burn their house down, because they were hiding wounded partisans…One solder saw the picture, in the house of my grandfather together with man that he recognized, that was his father! Turned out that they worked together between the wars on the border…my grandfather and the father of this solder that came to burn their house. Many questions I have to ask my father,and to write it down…because to save it from oblivion…Another story my grandmother was talking to me about chetniks ( serbian nationalistic troops, that cooperated with nazis in WWII) and today in Serbia they want rehabilitation of them…She was very angry about this rehabilitations, because she knows who they were.
I hate when they use WWI for strengthen patriotism in every country, 100 years after. Memorization of WWI in my country was kind of political propaganda. There are things to remember, but it is a question what kind of lesson we learned from the past and why we remember wars? Governments uses them to underline obedience and glorify militarism, bravery, and celebrate “victories”and political consequences of particular wars. They trade with grief and individual emotions. It is not the same to grieve for the solder that defends has no other choice and the one that is serving imperial colonial interests…like in Syria, there are innocent people who dies every day, and there are solders, bombs and plains that comes from military states. Usually those who defends militarism and say that WWI was not needless war they are defending colonial and capitalist interests and if you ask them what they think about other uses of weapons, like in revolutionary actions, they would say that they are against it.
Anarchism’s antiwar orientation and anarchist pacifism
Anarchist-pacificm is another issue, when anarchists are against war. What anarchist pacifism means? Anti-militarism for anarchist should be anti war orientation against wars that upper classes perform, refusing to participate in this conflicts, and doing anti-war propaganda trying to explain to wider audience why this wars are needless and what consequences may be. The history of WWI and the hypothesis of defending the land is hard to stand. The real cause was imperialism and desire to rule, expand the power. And yes this are economic reasons. It is the other thing how the war was explained to lower classes that they need to go in war to “defend their country”, patriotism, etc. Also the beginning of WWI was misinterpreted…In some versions they blame Gavrilo Princip’s assassination of France Ferdinand for it. There are a lot of anti-war activists, anarchist that were against the war. Explore this article: https://robertgraham.wordpress.com/2014/08/07/international-anarchist-manifesto-against-the-first-world-war/
But anarchist anti-war orientation doesn’t mean that anarchist are against the use of arms, in all cases. There are anarchists who reject using of arms, who are only for demonstrations,and waving flags at the protests, organizing at the work places, and among syndicates (like anarcho/syndicalists). And sometimes, this pacifist anarchists are accusing others that fight or avoiding to show their solidarity with such fighters that choose to use arms in their class fight because of fear or because they disagree with this methods of fight. Division between pacifism and militarism leaves here traces on those who literally understand the language and think if you are pacifist (against military in the hands of the state) that means that you can not show your solidarity to comrades that choose to fight with arms for the cause of revolution…(the same cause they claim to fight too.)
The fight for anarchism is the fight for peace. I agree with that claim. Only, I do not accept pacifist orientation of anarchism which denies all forms of armed actions to oppressed class. The war is not over,not that particular WWI is not over, but the world after that leaded to another war, and wars in 20 and 21 century. Wars are fought with different arms than in past, but not less butchery. We need to rethink what is “pacifism”. In modern days military operations across the world, leaded by NATO and USA,are apologies of “operations for peace”. This are old colonial tactics that serve and protect colonial interests of rich minority. And this “pacifist” actions are no different from WWI reviews that have apology for WWI to start…but yet putting the guilt on another…when they say that WWI started because of Sarajevo assassination. Also, they blame Serbian nationalists for that, although it is another mistake because Gavrilo Princip who shot France Ferdinand was not serbian nationalist, he was serbian, but his views were anarchist, and he belong to the organization “Mlada Bosna” that was pro-Yugoslavian, and anti-monarchist. They organized themselves against oppressor (in this case Austria, monarchy). They read anarchist literature. Also there is a poem that Gavrilo Princip wrote in the prison. It is misinterpretation to call them nationalists. In Serbia assassination of the kings, happened also against Serbian king Aleksandar.
Class division between private grief and public honoring the victims
Australians have a big digital archive for WWI. I read the stories about Australians , how they much suffered in WWI. 100 years after WWI, there are and were more in 2014, ongoing discussions on memorials, grief, the roll of different countries in WWI, the role of women, how families commemorate deaths, about burial of deaths, etc. One part of this consequences of private grief and way to commemorate dead, is that mothers and families from private sphere draw attention of the public and necessity of collective remembrance of the war and victims of war. It was a way of unifying the dead of war and one part of trans-national, trans class, universal values, that every victim is the same (in death) as the people should be equal, in life also. Some differences, class status is sometimes represented in death also, in cemeteries, but main tendency was that all solders should be buried in the same way, with same insignia and honors… What is new in WWI, dimension and need of honoring the dead solders, glorifying their dead, giving a meaning to their deaths, that they did not die in vain. There is a space for political propaganda, in this connection between private and public emotions, in this case grief, and commemoration, memorization of deaths. Whenever we deal with some individual, private emotion, on public and universal level, there is a possibility of manipulation…the work of ideology.
Interpretations that try to cover class-divisions they try to say that war is classless, that rich and poor died in the war equally, proving that with decisions of governments about commemoration of death solders, that it was proclaimed that they all need to be buried in the same way. But this was not applied to deserters. Desertion was cruelly punished (by death) … and these cases are rarely discussed under the veil of state secrets. All this we need to have in mind when Remembering Galipoli. What the war memorials talk to us? There is an interesting anarchist article about War Memorial Encounter.
Mari Gilmore in the poem “War” writes about the loss and death, feeling of losing someone very close, beside the political and government’s stories of glory death that became a phrase with which was communicated with solder’s families after their son’s death in a war.
Anarchist also commemorate deaths of their fellow companions,usually assigning the their name to political actions: from direct actions that are dedicated to lost companion to assigning their name to Commando, units for the fight and revenge.
Knowledge chooses its project,
each project is new and chooses its moments,
each moment is new, but simultaneously emerges from
the memory of all the moments that existed before
— The Interior of the Absolute
The sun still rises
A few facts are enough to show the horror of the situation facing the migrants:
- On 27 August, in Austria near the Hungarian border, 71 bodies (including 8 women and 4 children) were discovered in an advanced state of decomposition, locked into a lorry abandoned by the roadway;
- A few days later, the body of a little boy of three, drowned at the same time as his mother and brother, was washed up on a beach at Bodrum in Turkey.
These were both cases of migrants from Syria fleeing the nightmare of four years of war. This phenomenon of refugees has now been globalised on an unprecedented, going well beyond the exoduses of the worst years of the 20th century.
Propaganda and solidarity
One thing about this is striking. The media are not trying to hide the unbearable horror of the situation. On the contrary, they are headlining it and are coming up with more and more shocking images, like that of the little boy on the beach. Why?
In fact, the bourgeoisie is exploiting, for the purpose of its propaganda, both the barbarism for which it is itself responsible, and the feelings of indignation it provokes, and the spontaneous expressions of solidarity between local working people and migrants which in the last few months has begun to develop in several parts of Europe. The propaganda is aimed at strangling at birth any possibility of independent thought and to instil nationalist ideology in a more insidious way. In the eyes of the ruling class, left to themselves, proletarians in Europe are acting in a curious and even irresponsible way: they are helping and supporting the migrants. Despite the permanent ideological bombardment, we find that very often when these proletarians are in direct contact with the refugees, they bring them what they need to survive – food, drink, blankets – and sometimes even take them in to their homes. We have seen such examples of solidarity in Lampedusa in Italy, Calais in France and a number of cities in Germany and Austria. When, after being hassled by the Hungarian state, train loads of refugees have arrived at the stations, the exhausted migrants have been welcomed by thousands of people offering them support and material aid. Austrian rail workers have worked extra hours to transport the refugees towards Germany. In Paris, thousands demonstrated on 5 September to protest against the treatment of the refugees. They raised slogans like “we are all children of migrants”.
Faced with such massive and international expressions of solidarity from the civil population, when the main concern of the state has been to intimidate the refugees and keep them under control, the ruling class has had to react. Almost everywhere the bourgeoisie has had to modify the anti-immigrant discourse of the last few years and adapt to the situation. In Germany, the turn-around of the bourgeoisie has helped it to strengthen the image of the country as a very advanced democracy, to exorcise the ghosts of the past in response to those of its rivals who never miss an occasion to refer to Germany’s dark history. What’s more, it’s the trauma of the Second World War which explains the sensitivity of the German proletariat to the question of refugees. The German authorities have had to suspend the Dublin agreement which calls for the deportation of asylum seekers. In the eyes of the world’s migrants, Angela Merkel has become the champion of Germany’s openness and a model of humanity. In Britain, David Cameron has had to modify his hard line stance, along with the worst right wing tabloids which up till now have been describing migrants as a threatening and sub-human horde. For the bourgeoisie, one of the key issues has been the need to hide the fact that there are two totally antagonistic logics at work here: capitalist exclusion and ‘every man for himself’ versus proletarian solidarity; a dying system sinking into barbarism versus the affirmation of a class which bears within itself the future flourishing of humanity. The bourgeoisie cannot avoid reacting to the real feelings of indignation and solidarity which are appearing in the central countries.
The spectacular explosion in the number of refugees
The situation is not totally new. In 2012, the High Commission for Refugees (HCR) was already counting 45.2 million “displaced” people and was ringing the alarm bells about this growing human disaster. In 2013, 51.2 million were fleeing various kinds of horror. The threshold of 50 million had thus been crossed for the first time since the Second World War. The HCR explained this as the result of “the multiplication of new crises” and “the persistence of old crises which never seem to die down”. The year 2015 is about to mark a new record: 60 million refugees for Europe alone. Since January, appeals for asylum have increased by 78%. In Germany, according to the minister of the interior, these appeals have quadrupled, reaching the record figure of 800,000. Macedonia has declared a state of emergency and closed its borders. Officially, more than 2800 of these exiles, men, women and children, have drowned in the Mediterranean in the last few months. In Asia, the phenomenon is also massive. For example, a growing number of people have been fleeing repression and persecution in Myanmar and desperately seeking refuge in other southeast Asian countries. In Latin America, criminality and poverty have reached such levels that hundreds of thousands of people are trying to get to the USA. A goods train which goes from the south of Mexico to the north, nicknamed ‘The Beast’, has been regularly carrying thousands of migrants. They run the risk not only of falling from the carriage roofs or being thrown off in the tunnels, but also of being assaulted by the authorities; they are above all at the mercy of the drug gangs or other bandits who ransom them, rape them, kidnap women for prostitution, and as often as not kill them. And for those who have the fortune to get through all this, all along the US frontier they face a wall of barbed wire policed by armed guards who don’t hesitate to shoot at them.
In fact, the hypocritical and civilised speeches of the democratic states go very well with the nastiest and most xenophobic rants. The first encourages feelings of powerlessness, the second of fear. Both obstruct any real reflection, any real development of solidarity.
A phenomenon accentuated by the reality of decomposition
Entire zones of the planet are being devastated and made uninhabitable. This is particularly the case for the regions linking Ukraine to Africa via the Middle East. In certain of these war zones, half the population is in flight and are being held in gigantic camps, at the mercy of the most unscrupulous traffickers, organised on an industrial scale. The real cause of this hell is the decay of the world system of exploitation. The breadth of the refugee phenomenon is a clear expression of the downward spiral of capitalism, which brings in its wake pogroms and violence of all kinds, growing pauperisation linked to the economic crisis, and ecological catastrophes. Of course wars, crises and pollution are not new. All wars have led to people fleeing to save their lives. However, the intensity of these phenomena is growing all the time. Up until the First World War, the number of refugees remained relatively limited. The war then brought the beginning of massive displacements, ‘population transfers’ etc. This spiral took on a whole new dimension with the Second World War, when the number of refugees reached unheard-of levels. Then, during the Cold War, the numerous proxy wars between east and west generated a significant number of refugees, as did the famines in Sub-Saharan Africa in the 70s and 80s. But since the collapse of the eastern bloc in 1989 a veritable Pandora’s box has opened up. The antagonism between the two imperialist blocs imposed a certain order and discipline: most countries obeyed the diktats of their respective bloc leader, the US or Russia. The wars of this period were inhuman and murderous, but in a sense they were ‘ordered’ and ‘classical’. Since the collapse of the USSR, growing instability has given rise to a multiplication of local conflicts, to all sorts of shifting alliances. Conflicts have gone on and on, resulting in the disintegration of states and the rise of warlords and gangsters, in the dislocation of the entire social fabric.
In addition, the contradictions between the imperialist powers (marked by the development of ‘every man for himself’, in which each nation plays its own imperialist card with increasingly short-term objectives), have led the latter to make military interventions in an increasingly regular, almost permanent manner. Each of the big powers support this or that mafia clique or warlord, this or that increasingly irrational band of fanatics, in the defence of their imperialist interests. What dominates in capitalist society today is the disintegration of entire regions, where the most crying expressions of social decomposition can be seen: whole regions controlled by drug gangs, the rise of Islamic State with its barbaric atrocities, etc.
The bunkerisation of the great powers
The states which bear the main responsibility for all this social, ecological and military chaos have at the same time become real fortresses. In a context of unemployment and chronic crisis, security measures are being stepped up to a drastic degree. States have become ‘bunkerised’. Only the most qualified migrants are allowed in to be exploited, to lower the cost of labour power and create divisions within the proletariat. The majority of refugees and migrants, the ‘undesirable’ ones, those reduced to misery and starvation, are cynically enjoined to stay where they are and die without inconveniencing anyone. The northern states have literally chased them into a corner, as in the case of France with its ‘Jungle’ near the Channel Tunnel at Calais. Gangrened by a crisis of overproduction, capitalist society can no longer them any perspective. Instead of opening up, the doors are being closed: states are barricading their frontiers, electrifying fences, constructing more and more walls. During the Cold War, the time of the Berlin Wall, there were about 15 walls defending frontiers. Today more than 60 have been built or are being constructed. From the ‘apartheid wall’ raised by Israel in the face of the Palestinians, to the 4000 miles of barbed wire separating India from Bangladesh, states are falling into a real paranoia about security. In Europe, the Mediterranean front is littered with walls and barriers. Last July, the Hungarian government began construction of a four meter high razor wire fence. As for the Schengen space in Europe, and the work of the Frontext agency or Triton, their industrial-military effectiveness is formidable: a permanent fleet of surveillance and war ships there to prevent refugees from crossing the Mediterranean. A similar military machine has been set up along the Australian coastline. All these obstacles seriously raise the mortality rate among refugees, who are forced to take more and more risks to get past them.
The cynicism of the bourgeoisie
On the one hand, the bourgeois state is barricading itself in. It feeds to the maximum the warnings of doom coming from the most xenophobic populist parties, sharpening hatred, fear and division. Themselves facing deteriorating living conditions, the weakest sections of the proletariat are hit full on by this nationalist propaganda. In a number of countries there have been anti-migrant marches, physical attacks, arson attack on refugee centres. The refugees are the target of campaigns against ‘foreigners who threaten our way of life’. The state legitimises all this by setting up internment camps (over 400 in Europe), deporting those it can, patrolling the frontiers.
On the other hand, this same bourgeoisie fakes its indignation through the voice of politicians who talk about the ‘moral challenge’ posed by the refugees and offers them token support and assistance. In short, the capitalist state, the arch-criminal, poses as their saviour.
But as long as capitalism lasts, there can be no real solution for the migrants and the refugees. If we don’t fight against this system, if we don’t go to the roots of the problem, our indignation and solidarity will not go beyond the stage of basic aid, and the deepest and most noble human feelings will be recuperated by the bourgeoisie, turned into heavily publicised acts of charity which will be used to fuel a more hidden form of nationalism. Therefore, we must try to understand what’s really happening. The proletariat has to develop its own critical and revolutionary point of view on these questions.
In future articles, we will return in more depth to this historic issue.
The country is a powder keg and needs a fire or a detonator to blow up the capital and the state.
TEXT OF N. MAZIOTIS about 3th MEMORANDUM
AND ELECTION OF 20th SEPTEMBER
The 3th Memorandum signed by SYRIZA government marked the complete political bankruptcy of the regime of the left and the chimeric aspirations for a more “human” capitalism.
It marked the sinking of the management of the defeat of the social and popular movements for the period 2010-2012 which attempted SYRIZA after taking office last January. This whole period until the adoption of the third memorandum is a time expected concessions – for those who had no illusions – where the campaign promises to repeal or renegotiation of the Memorandum and partial mowing the debt with the parallel pursuit of a politics of relieving the poor first follow the agreement of February 20 which extended the second memorandum and came despite the disapproval of 62% of the people in the referendum of July 5 rejecting the proposals of the creditors, in passing the third memorandum wich is much harder than the measures rejected in the referendum.
From the “red” lines SYRIZA passed within a few months in complete retreat and acceptance of the creditors, the acceptance of a Memorandum much more hard than that wich would have voted the previous government of Samaras.
“First time left” and humiliation of the will of the social majority to get rid of the memoranda and politics that wants him serf of markets is has no precedent.
“First time left” and there was not shorter and sensational denial and betrayal of the expectations that governments in the political annals.
“First time left” and the Troika converted into institutions came officially quadripartite, since outside the EU, the ECB and the IMF are the real masters of the country involved and the European Stability Mechanism (ESM) by which the SYRIZA government requested new loan agreement and signed the third memorandum.
“First time left” and robbery against the people and the poor continues to further reduce wages and pensions, increasing the retirement age, rough taxation, by accepting the privatization of public property. The regime continues deservedly left politics of social genocide launched in 2010 by the Papandreou government with the first memorandum and continued by the Samaras government with the second memorandum.
The names of Tsipras, Varoufakis, Dragasaki, Skourletis, Pappas Voutsis, Lafazani added to the list of criminals politicians such as Papandreou and Venizelos, Papaconstantinou Loverdos Chrisochoïdis, Samara, Mitsotakis, Vroutsi, Georgiadis and others acted as dummies of the transnational economic elite.
With the passage of the third memorandum, SYRIZA signed in reality his political bankruptcy and condemnation since in order to bring the new agreement with its creditors for approval based itself more on the votes of the opposition pro-European parties ND, of Potamos, PASOK, led to a split which forced to proclamation an early election on 20 September.
These developments demonstrate the denigration of bourgeois parlamentarism and that the political system is more destabilized than ever.
The social majority, the hungry, the poor, the destitute, the unemployed, the homeless, workers, youth do not have to hope nothing from these elections. As I said before referring to the previous elections of January 2015, the solution is not to give the elections but the armed people.
No one has to hope anything from criminals of political parties, the dummies and puppets of the transnational economic elites and the European Union, their applicators of memoranda No one has to hope anything from the new “anti-memorandum saviors” that emerged from the breakup of SYRIZA, the Democratic Unity, the former left tendency of SYRIZA supporters the adoption of national currency that appear to be consistent anti-memorandum
They are the same insolvent and unreliable as insolvent and unreliable was Syriza, long before taking power when it appeared with an anti-memorandum rhetoric and an unrealistic social democratic and keinsianist program. These developments, the new left Memorandum justify the prediction of the Revolutionary Struggle for the transformation of SYRIZA into a neoliberal party long before come to power. With almost all the political parties being discredited, with PASOK and ANEL not far from being parties endangered by SYRIZA to bankrupt within seven months and becomes a purely neoliberal party with ND has shrunk because of the second memorandum, the LA.E. not persuaded by adopting the old unworkable Social Democrats program of SYRIZA, with a large part of society has turned its back on the political system by abstaining from electoral illusions and without any chance of a majority government, the country is in a status of permanent political instability which those who want the revolutionary overthrow should exploit.
The bankruptcy of SYRIZA dispelled illusions about solving social problems due to the crisis within the existing system. After saving the system requires the enslavement and winding sections of the population.
The country is a powder keg and needs a fire or a detonator to blow up the capital and the state.
The fact that the 3rd left Memorandum passed within the general social apathy with minimal coming down the street on July 15 and conflicts made on 22 July, is the result of the deadlock of major social and popular movements of the period of the First Memorandum 2010-2012 , deadlock due to the lack of perspective and proposals for the revolutionary overthrowing the capital and the state and the absence political military organization that will attempt to implement the overturn, ie of a revolutionary movement. But this situation should not disappoint us.
Revolutionaries never acted waiting for the masses to rise up spontaneously or be mobilized, but they scratched their way first giving the example of the racing action and taking advantage of the turmoil of the social base. They have never remained more favorable objective conditions for action, fight for revolution because of the devaluation and instability of the regime and they were never in poorer subjective conditions, apathy, deadlocks, resignation due to a lack of perspective and hope.
Our duty is to act in order to change the unfavorable conditions, to inspire hope and strength to revolt and overturn. This action consists in destabilizing and undermining already unstable system, the sabotage of the ruling policy, the implementation of memoranda and rescue plans.
The sabotage of the policy that targets investments of transnational capital in the country and privatizations and selling out of public property, sabotage the ongoing social banditry and genocide.
The adoption of dynamic forms of action, of the guerrilla, of armed struggle is necessary choice for the sabotage of the ruling politics. Bombings or armed action on a massive scale, in offices, facilities, structures and persons of government and of local and transnational capital may further destabilize the regime, to prevent investments and the selling out of public property, to make the country unsafe for investors of the transnational capital.
Our struggle over the adoption of the guerrilla and the armed struggle with other forms of action such combative protests as of this July 15th, squats or relief actions of socially weak and vulnerable, may have social and popular acceptance and footholds on the path to revolutionary overthrow.
But the overthrow of capitalist power and the State can only be done by recourse to arms, the armed occupation of enemy strongholds, parliament, ministries, banks, the Bank of Greece and the disarming of police stations.
In an era when illusions are dissolved, the armed social revolution is the only way. To save ourselves from social genocide imposed by the transnational economic elites and the state.
To avoid counting others dead from suicides, diseases, lack of basic goods. To prevent children faint from hunger and malnutrition.
To abolish social classes and the state.
To socialize everything, the wealth.
To live with dignity and to take life in our hands.
Let us not deceive ourselves that all this can be done having no targets, spearhead, unable to socialize our project, limited to a sterile rebellion or having alternative illusions concerning peripheral self-managed “islands of freedom” and endeavors that will surround the state and will wipe out the market economy.
Let us not deceive ourselves that all this can be done without risking our lives for freedom … Because as history has shown the tree of freedom in order to develop is watered with blood.
NO TO ELECTORIAL ILLUSIONS
ARMED SOCIAL REVOLUTION
Nikos Maziotis, member of the Revolutionary Struggle
My name is Assata Shakur, and I am a 20th century escaped slave. Because of government persecution, I was left with no other choice than to flee from the political repression, racism and violence that dominate the US government’s policy towards people of color. I am an ex-political prisoner, and I have been living in exile in Cuba since 1984.
I have been a political activist most of my life, and although the U.S. government has done everything in its power to criminalize me, I am not a criminal, nor have I ever been one. In the 1960s, I participated in various struggles: the black liberation movement, the student rights movement, and the movement to end the war in Vietnam. I joined the Black Panther Party. By 1969 the Black Panther Party had become the number one organization targeted by the FBI’s COINTELPRO program. Because the Black Panther Party demanded the total liberation of black people, J. Edgar Hoover called it “greatest threat to the internal security of the country” and vowed to destroy it and its leaders and activists.
In 1978, my case was one of many cases bought before the United Nations Organization in a petition filed by the National Conference of Black Lawyers, the National Alliance Against Racist and Political Repression, and the United Church of Christ Commission for Racial Justice, exposing the existence of political prisoners in the United States, their political persecution, and the cruel and inhuman treatment they receive in US prisons. According to the report:
‘The FBI and the New York Police Department in particular, charged and accused Assata Shakur of participating in attacks on law enforcement personnel and widely circulated such charges and accusations among police agencies and units. The FBI and the NYPD further charged her as being a leader of the Black Liberation Army which the government and its respective agencies described as an organization engaged in the shooting of police officers. This description of the Black Liberation Army and the accusation of Assata Shakur’s relationship to it was widely circulated by government agents among police agencies and units. As a result of these activities by the government, Ms. Shakur became a hunted person; posters in police precincts and banks described her as being involved in serious criminal activities; she was highlighted on the FBI’s most wanted list; and to police at all levels she became a ‘shoot-to-kill’ target.”
I was falsely accused in six different “criminal cases” and in all six of these cases I was eventually acquitted or the charges were dismissed. The fact that I was acquitted or that the charges were dismissed, did not mean that I received justice in the courts, that was certainly not the case. It only meant that the “evidence” presented against me was so flimsy and false that my innocence became evident. This political persecution was part and parcel of the government’s policy of eliminating political opponents by charging them with crimes and arresting them with no regard to the factual basis of such charges.
On May 2, 1973 I, along with Zayd Malik Shakur and Sundiata Acoli were stopped on the New Jersey Turnpike, supposedly for a “faulty tail light.” Sundiata Acoli got out of the car to determine why we were stopped. Zayd and I remained in the car. State trooper Harper then came to the car, opened the door and began to question us. Because we were black, and riding in a car with Vermont license plates, he claimed he became “suspicious.” He then drew his gun, pointed it at us, and told us to put our hands up in the air, in front of us, where he could see them. I complied and in a split second, there was a sound that came from outside the car, there was a sudden movement, and I was shot once with my arms held up in the air, and then once again from the back. Zayd Malik Shakur was later killed, trooper Werner Foerster was killed, and even though trooper Harper admitted that he shot and killed Zayd Malik Shakur, under the New Jersey felony murder law, I was charged with killing both Zayd Malik Shakur, who was my closest friend and comrade, and charged in the death of trooper Forester. Never in my life have I felt such grief. Zayd had vowed to protect me, and to help me to get to a safe place, and it was clear that he had lost his life, trying to protect both me and Sundiata. Although he was also unarmed, and the gun that killed trooper Foerster was found under Zayd’s leg, Sundiata Acoli, who was captured later, was also charged with both deaths. Neither Sundiata Acoli nor I ever received a fair trial We were both convicted in the news media way before our trials. No news media was ever permitted to interview us, although the New Jersey police and the FBI fed stories to the press on a daily basis. In 1977, I was convicted by an all- white jury and sentenced to life plus 33 years in prison. In 1979, fearing that I would be murdered in prison, and knowing that I would never receive any justice, I was liberated from prison, aided by committed comrades who understood the depths of the injustices in my case, and who were also extremely fearful for my life.
The U.S. Senate’s 1976 Church Commission report on intelligence operations inside the USA, revealed that “The FBI has attempted covertly to influence the public’s perception of persons and organizations by disseminating derogatory information to the press, either anonymously or through “friendly” news contacts.” This same policy is evidently still very much in effect today.
On December 24, 1997, The New Jersey State called a press conference to announce that New Jersey State Police had written a letter to Pope John Paul II asking him to intervene on their behalf and to aid in having me extradited back to New Jersey prisons. The New Jersey State Police refused to make their letter public. Knowing that they had probably totally distort the facts, and attempted to get the Pope to do the devils work in the name of religion, I decided to write the Pope to inform him about the reality of’ “justice” for black people in the State of New Jersey and in the United States. (See attached Letter to the Pope).
In January of 1998, during the pope’s visit to Cuba, I agreed to do an interview with NBC journalist Ralph Penza around my letter to the Pope, about my experiences in New Jersey court system, and about the changes I saw in the United States and it’s treatment of Black people in the last 25 years. I agreed to do this interview because I saw this secret letter to the Pope as a vicious, vulgar, publicity maneuver on the part of the New Jersey State Police, and as a cynical attempt to manipulate Pope John Paul II. I have lived in Cuba for many years, and was completely out of touch with the sensationalist, dishonest, nature of the establishment media today. It is worse today than it was 30 years ago. After years of being victimized by the “establishment” media it was naive of me to hope that I might finally get the opportunity to tell “my side of the story.” Instead of an interview with me, what took place was a “staged media event” in three parts, full of distortions, inaccuracies and outright lies. NBC purposely misrepresented the facts. Not only did NBC spend thousands of dollars promoting this “exclusive interview series” on NBC, they also spent a great deal of money advertising this “exclusive interview” on black radio stations and also placed notices in local newspapers.
. . .
Like most poor and oppressed people in the United States, I do not have a voice. Black people, poor people in the U.S. have no real freedom of speech, no real freedom of expression and very little freedom of the press. The black press and the progressive media has historically played an essential role in the struggle for social justice. We need to continue and to expand that tradition. We need to create media outlets that help to educate our people and our children, and not annihilate their minds. I am only one woman. I own no TV stations, or Radio Stations or Newspapers. But I feel that people need to be educated as to what is going on, and to understand the connection between the news media and the instruments of repression in Amerika. All I have is my voice, my spirit and the will to tell the truth. But I sincerely ask, those of you in the Black media, those of you in the progressive media, those of you who believe in truth freedom, To publish this statement and to let people know what is happening. We have no voice, so you must be the voice of the voiceless.
Free all Political Prisoners, I send you Love and Revolutionary Greetings From Cuba, One of the Largest, Most Resistant and Most Courageous Palenques (Maroon Camps) That has ever existed on the Face of this Planet.
Assata Shakur Havana, Cuba
Below is a clip of Assata Sakur’s Documentary “Eyes of the Rainbow: Assata Shakur Documentary”
“I am a Black revolutionary woman, and because of this i have been charged with and accused of every alleged crime in which a woman was believed to have participated. The alleged crimes in which only men were supposedly involved, i have been accused of planning. They have plastered pictures alleged to be me in post offices, airports, hotels, police cars, subways, banks, television, and newspapers. They have offered … rewards for my capture and they have issued orders to shoot on sight and shoot to kill.” — Assata Shakur
“People get used to anything. The less you think about your oppression, the more your tolerance for it grows. After a while, people just think oppression is the normal state of things. But to become free, you have to be acutely aware of being a slave.”
― Assata Shakur, Assata: An Autobiography