Category Archives: Anarchist movement
On the occasion of reports that talk about transforming the building where occupation Rosa Nera is in a hotel, the Anarchosindicalists Initiative “Rosinante” has published the following announcement:
In the last week, in newspapers (Eleftheros Press, Kathimerini) and racist web sites belonging to the “New Democracy” appears the Rectorate of the Polytechnic of Crete to offer informal “in secret” auctions buildings of the city to tourism bosses. Among these buildings is the building of the Rosa Nera Occupation. This move is part of the wider attack on social and labor movements – and with the backs of the current government.
The occupation of Rosa Nera, for 13 years, is a working machine of support and organization for important aspects of social and labor movements in Chania. Through a libertarian and anarchist culture that supports the organization on the ground, the political work of occupation offers both a hospitable “home” for social struggles and a critical human potential for most social, labor, environmental and rightful claims in Chania.
They know this well both in the villages of the county, which have been plagued by the looting and destruction of the environment from “green growth” and in the city: In the world, by trade unions, student co-ordinates, migrant and immigrant initiatives, Artistic groups and productions, social solidarity initiatives and initiatives to claim public spaces supported and / or collaborated with Rosa Nera. The occupation, unlike some others, has hosted refugee families when the city’s bodies were unable or disinterested. And along with other collectives – such as Immigration Stake, Immigration Forum and Social Kitchen – Rosa Nera has been a powerful force in one of the most important issues of modern class struggle: defending migrant life and struggles for rights and Life that deny to migrants by the same racist bosses who today want to take the place of occupation.
It is logical, therefore, to have the bosses with Rosa Nera. On the one hand the world of struggle for the class and social revaluation of life, and on the other hand the exploiters and their political staff. Much more, when we talk about bosses exploiting work in tourism businesses, bosses who have frozen wages for 20 years, with more recent cuts of up to 40%, have eliminated stamps, bonuses and insurance. It is also logical that the specific business will be made by the aspiring politician of the right and now rector Dimalakis in collaboration with the party of the ND. Which is involved in a lot of scandals, more recently the case of the loans of “Kirikas Chania” and the “golden buildings” of the Pancretan Bank.
Prior to the occupation, this area was always in the hands of the city’s authority as an administrative or military center, and its history is heavy: in its basements, fighters have been tortured by the Gestapo during occupation and by the ESA during the dictatorship . When the building was handed over to the polytechnic, it was left to chance as a closed dilapidated space. Thanks to the collective work of many people, for the first time the building and the area of occupation became accessible and opened safely to society. For the first time, one can enjoy the ride and his company, in a place that has always been locked up by power. Finally, 13 years now, Rosa Nera’s occupation is another social barrier to the rise of the extreme right and the effort of racists, militarists and neo-Nazis to appear with demands on the streets and workplaces of the city.
The solidarity and our support is given.
-Hands down from the occupation of Rosa Nera and the social occupations
-Solidarity with the social spaces that fight against fascism, militarism, exploitation
-Non-tolerance to state repression
translation: revolution sociale
Lambros Foundas lives through our flames.
Responsibility claim for the attacks on the houses of cops Efthimis
Efthimiadis and Ilias Hajis.
On March 10th 2010, anarchist and member of Revolutionary Struggle Lambros Foundas is executed in Dafni during the expropriation of a vehicle that was going to be used in an act of revolutionary violence of the organization.
The arson of the residences of cops Efthimis Efthimiadis on 20 Kiprou
street in Agios Pavlos, and Ilias Hajis on 17 Papanastasiou street in Sikies, Thessaloniki in the early hours of March 9th, is our minimal homage to the memory of a comrade who was killed by the shots of the metropolitan occupation army of democracy, fighting for the Revolution. Dead fighters are the reason and cause of the continuation of our revolutionary struggle.
On Thursday January 5th, are arrested the members of Revolutionary Struggle Pola Roupa and Kostandina Athanasopoulou. During the arrest of comrade Pola, the hooded cops of the anti-Terrorist force kidnap her 6year old son and with the order of the Prosecutor of Minors Nikolou, transfer him to the psychiatric wing of ‘Pedon’ hospital, under guard.
The 3 members of R.S., Pola Roupa, Kostandina Athanasopoulou and Nikos Maziotis, from the first moment of their arrests begin a hunger-thirst strike, demanding the immediate release of the 6year old child and the custody be given to the relatives.
The message is clear: Against the stubbornness of revolutionaries, repression deploys its filthiest and most unethical weapons. However this despicable attempt by the mechanisms, to extort and take revenge from those arrested, found opposite it the determination of the 3 members of R.S. as well as the dynamic of the multiform struggle which through a series of actions of political support and aggressive solidarity, together raised a temporary mound to the vulgarity of repression.
All the action of the R.S. can be summoned in the application of a steady revolutionary strategy of destabilizing the regime. The 3 repressive strikes against the organization after the execution of comrade Lambros Foundas and the targeting of a wider circle of individuals based on contact and the relationships they had with members of the organization, the 1 million euro bounty on two members, the injury during the arrest of comrade Nikos Maziotis in Monastiraki, the kidnapping of a 6year old child, the recent threats against comrade Pola (plan to murder her, and the bribery attempt by the member of the european parliament for Syriza, Kostandina Kouneva) and the refusal to grant furlough to comrade Kostas Gournas illustrate the fear of authority towards the strategy of armed struggle.
In the summer of 2002 authority attempted, through the arrests of members of the 17November organization, to impose the fear of resistance and futility of armed propaganda. The bang from the explosion of R.S.’s bomb at the courts of Evelpidon in the early hours of September 5th 2003 was the end of this tranquility, order and security. 14 years later, authority attempts to impose the same futility. History calls us to prove once more that they are wrong.
Lets organize our collective self-defence, from which will arise
aggressive formations of revolutionary violence.
Violence to the violence expressed by the repressive mechanisms in the name of order and security against the fighting parts.
Blood for the blood of the dead revolutionaries from internationalized repression.
Attack with all means on the carriers and representatives of repression.
Attack through the struggles and demonstrations, attack on the centres of decision-making and police stations, attack their homes.
Solidarity to the imprisoned fighters and rebels around the earth, from Standing Rock in Dacota to the flaming french suburbs.
As for Tsoutsouvis, Kassimis, Foundas, Morales, and every dead revolutionary, the struggle continues.
Anarchist Action organization.
We send strength to all anarchist combatants held captive in the dungeons of the Greek state.
We send solidarity to all those facing the state’s latest attacks against squatters, anarchists, and refugees: we are inspired by your refusal to be paralyzed.
via insurrection news
Received on 15.03.17:
A few nights ago we sabotaged about 50 parking meters by gluing their locks, coin slots, and card readers. This was a simple act which took no specialized skill. Get some superglue, cover your face, keep your eyes peeled for cops or loyal citizens, and act.
These parking meters were targeted because they fund the Bloomington Police Department and because they force people to pay to be downtown. We hate the police and we hate gentrification and class society, so we chose to attack them.
We act as a gesture of combative memory for Lambros Foundas, anarchist of Revolutionary Struggle killed by the forces of the Greek state on March 10, 2010. Our memory is not one of passive mourning or martyrdom, but of active struggle against the state, capital, and domination in all of its forms. The flame of Lambros’ life kept us warm as we walked through the winter night, and we will carry that flame with us in all parts of our lives, which are lived at war with this society of masters and slaves.
We send strength to all anarchist combatants held captive in the dungeons of the Greek state.
We send solidarity to all those facing the state’s latest attacks against squatters, anarchists, and refugees: we are inspired by your refusal to be paralyzed.
Long live anarchy
DECLARATION OF SUPPORT AND SOLIDARITY TO N. MAZIOTIS AND P.ROUPA
The ghost of Frederica (once queen of Greece) is still wandering around. After the first episode (when their 6 years old child of P.Roupa and N.Maziotis sent to a psychiatric clinic, the hunger strike of his parents, the outrage and the whole reaction, the statements of support and the final decision to award custody to his grandmother until the final decision of the court) we are entering in the second episode.
On 1st of March is going to be decided the chlid’s custody in Kalamata and his parents are demanding their transfer to attend personally the trial due to the high importance has the casefor their child’s future.
Making use of legalistic state arsenal, especially of 1532 AK, according to which “the prosecutormay by ex officio order the implementations of whatever measures appropriate”, it seems that such a treatment applies when it comes to enemies of the state and capital, while in the case of members of the state gangs-assassinators of 15 year old children (for example, cop Korkoneas who shot dead Alexis Grigoropoulos in 2008) there are not any measures appropriate.
The constitutional rights of the child (Article 7 Paragraph 2) have been brutally violated in this case and the left-right government is hidden behind the so-called “independent justice”, notifying the ducks, and even tearing down even their sovereignty coming from the Constitution. So, the ghost of Fredericais followed by the vampire of patriarchy.
We boldly express our solidarity to the legitimate desire of parents for their presence at the trial- something which is consistent of their struggles against the state, capital and bosses.
NO CHILDREN IN THE HANDS OF THE STATE
FREEDOM TO THOSE IN CELLS
South Revolutionary Cores
This morning 5.1.17 two anarchist comrades K.A and the member of Revolutionary
Struggle Pola Roupa are caught by the cops.
Comrade Pola fell in their hands having her son with her, who they
separated from his mother and are keeping him in the juvenile
Behind the screams of the crows of tv and the laurels political
superiors expect for their “new success”, hides the callous brutality of
the state mechanism. Both towards the comrades who we know very well
what methods of psychological and physical violence they are
experiencing right now, but especially against the 6year old child they
are using as leverage.
No one should doubt where their vengeance could reach in this war. The
only obstacle can be solidarity. Solidarity on a political as well as on
a human level, against the mental torture of a young child who they
interrogate and deprive him of his familiar environment.
Left and right wing scumbags who are now in the political administration
of the capitalist machine, do not even think about continuing this
That stuff about institutionalizing the 6 year old child will remain in
the dirty mouths of the blackmailing cops and interrogators.
Immediate satisfying of the demand of the hunger and thirst strike by
anarchist P.Roupa and N.Maziotis.
Give the child to his relatives right now.
Solidarity to those who do not bow the head.
War against authority until social revolution and anarchy.
After 4 days of hunger and thirst strike of 3 members of R.O. Revolutionary Struggle( Pola Roupa, Nikos Maziotis and Konstantina Athanasopoulou)we finally see an epilogue:
According to Athens Indymedia a new order was issued by the prosecutor on 08.01.16 terminating the detention of Lambros-Viktoras Maziotis Roupas, the 6 year old son of Revolutionary Struggle members Pola Roupa and Nikos Maziotis, and awarding temporary custody of the child to his grandmother. The child has already left the hospital with his relatives. Comrades Pola Roupa, Nikos Maziotis and Konstantina Athanasopoulou have ended their hunger and thirst strike. A decision on final custody of the child will take place in six months time.
SOLIDARITY WITH REVOLUTIONARY STRUGGLE!
Pola Roupa and Konstantina Athanasopoulou were earlier this day 08.01.2017. transferred to the hospital, because of their health condition during this exhausting battle.
Solidarity actions took place all over Greece during this 4 days – people showing their support and solidarity with various gatherings, protests, letters, banners, graffiti. Also prisoners refuse to go in their cells and some of them wrote solidarity letters to the strikers, as well as other individuals and organizations that condemned the Government, Minister of Justice, Health, and other responsible persons for holding and kidnapping a child and holding it non-legal in custody institutions isolated.
This precedent in treatment of the 6 year old child has seen as an act of class revenge and hatred to his parents because of their political choices of revolutionary armed struggle, and compares with dictatorship in Latin America as Dimitris Koufodinas, the member of 17N stated.
Solidarity Actions (via InsurectionNews):
07.01.17: Two OPKE (Group of Crime Prevention and Suppression) police vehicles ambushed in Exarcheia, Athens with Molotov cocktails, one OPKE vehicle completely destroyed.
07.01.17: 3 ATMs torched in Thessaloniki
06.01.17: Car torched outside the home of Tassos Tsakiridi, Deputy Mayor for Social Policy in the Neapoli-Sykies Municipality in Thessaloniki
Also on 06.01.17: NEA TV (TV News) station was occupied in Chania, Crete and 8 minute message was transmitted live in solidarity with the 3 imprisoned Revolutionary Struggle members on hunger & thirst strike:
SOLIDARITY WITH REVOLUTIONARY STRUGGLE!
I Panagiota (Pola) Roupa declare that I was and will be until I die an unrepentant enemy of the system. They have now put the child in the middle of this war and they punish him in order to get revenge against me. They have kidnapped my child and I don’ t know where he is since our arrest in the early morning.
We are at war, it is true. But them fighting against my child, by not allowing me or other close relatives to see him and by threatening to send him to an institution, is the most despicable act in this war. Those who are in the state apparatus are worms because they are fighting against a 6 year old child.
And I want to state that I have now begun a hunger and thirst strike to demand that the child is given to my mother and my sister. As for me I will remain the enemy until I die. And I will never yield. Long live the revolution!
Pola Roupa, 5/1/17
Act for freedom now notes:
In the early morning hours of January 5th 2017, two Revolutionary Struggle members, fugitive comrade Pola Roupa and anarchist Konstantina Athanasopoulou were captured at a southern area of Athens. Anti-terrorist cops raided a hideout with Pola and her six-year-old son inside, while Konstantina was arrested in another house nearby.
After being forcibly removed from his mother, Lambros-Viktoras Maziotis Roupas—the small son of Revolutionary Struggle members Nikos Maziotis and Pola Roupa—is being held captive inside a children’s hospital in Athens guarded by cops…
In response to this, three Revolutionary Struggle members—Nikos Maziotis, the recaptured comrade Pola Roupa and the newly arrested Konstantina Athanasopoulou—have undergone hunger and thirst strike since January 5th, demanding that the six-year-old be immediately placed with his aunt and grandmother.
“I am an anarchist, member of the armed revolutionary organization Revolutionary Struggle. The only terrorists are the State and the Capital. I refuse to eat and drink anything until the child of my comrades Pola Roupa and Nikos Maziotis is delivered to relatives of theirs.
In the past several months since the streets of the so-called United States of America were set alight by riots after the murder of black teenager Mike Brown by a white police officer, an increasing number of people seem to be asking the question: do riots work?
In answering, people tend to look at the historical connection between violent unrest and the government granting concessions afterwards. While this connection is certainly very real, it misses some key aspects and drastically reduces the scope of what we might consider a so-called “victory.” The federal investigation into the Ferguson Police Department would likely never had occurred if not for the sustained unrest throughout 2014. The rioting that took place after a BART police officer murdered Oscar Grant is often credited with the officer’s arrest and subsequent conviction (however lenient.) Fear of further rioting in Birmingham is said to have prompted the federal government to pass the Civil Rights Act of 1964. And if the federal investigation, the conviction of a police officer, or the passing of legislation is what is sought after, then surely, the riots work. But we want much more than that; we desire the downfall of the capitalist-white-supremacist-patriarchal social order.
This thought process has emerged in reaction to the obscuring of violent (for lack of a better word) conflict in favor of a white-washed, pacifist history of struggle. Oftentimes liberals and others wishing to preserve social peace suggest that all struggles that were successful primarily utilized non-violent tactics. It may be tempting to accept the above framework as a response, but we do so at our own peril.
A more important question might ask why rioting is suddenly caught in this recuperative scheme. Before, the state was satisfied with repression coupled with the spreading of “outside agitator” narratives to isolate potential rioters. But since the Ferguson uprisings, the tactic has become more generalized. As a decreasing amount of people are put off by riots, and thus the strategy of erasing its potential must be shifted.
When the success of rioting is framed in terms of concessions won, it replaces the revolutionary nature of the riot with the agenda of reform. It becomes simply one of many tools in the activist’s toolkit to achieve “social change.” Want to pressure your elected officials? Riot. Revolutionaries seem to be misled by this newfound appreciation for formerly-condemned tactics and are excited for a culture that accepts and even supports not-so-civil disobedience. But when we agree to this framework, we only sacrifice this growing potential.
After periods of unrest, self-styled radicals often claim that violent tactics were the only way to grab media attention, to bring an issue to light, or the only way to make those in power listen. And this is not untrue. Those in power certainly only listen when they are being threatened, and rioting offers people a way to threaten power. But when a political solution is offered—the federal investigation, the indictment, etc.—it is not a reward for rising up, it is an attempt at de-escalation, at counter-insurgency. This is key to understanding the connection between uprisings and concessions.
In exchange for restoring social peace, the state offers superficial solutions to the underlying problems that caused people to riot in the first place. Rioters return to their homes, feeling accomplished while nothing fundamentally changes. Heralding these concessions as sincere accomplishments not only obscures their recuperative effect, but also mistakes them for genuinely progressive solutions. No amount of “bad apple” cops locked up could possibly end the oppression found in the very existence of police and prisons. No amount of legislation can replace the need to completely dismantle the state structure.
For riots to truly “work,” we must abandon the framework of the activist, and recognize the concessions of the state as what they truly are: attempts at recuperation. Each riot offers us the opportunity to find each other and act collectively, appropriating everything around us that was built for the functioning of capitalism for our own needs, or else do away with it. It is only through sustaining moments of rebellion that we might catch a glimpse of sincere success.
Part II: Blocking Politics
Written almost a year ago, “Do Riots Work? Exploring New Frontiers of Recuperation” attempted to clarify a misconception of the so-called ‘post-Ferguson era.’ It addressed the tendency to frame riots as a means to achieve reforms as a response to pacifism, and claimed that doing so actually forecloses revolutionary possibilities. Since then, the task of further elaboration has proven itself more crucial than expected.
Referring specifically to rioting missed the opportunity to address a related development. In the past year or so, rioting has not spread nearly as much as ‘disciplined militancy.’ Christmas 2015 in particular was marked with several actions by organizations such as Black Seed and various Black Lives Matter chapters that spectacularly shut down highways, airports, bridges, and more. Activists carry out bigger and more impressive disruptions that mirror the uprisings following the acquittal of George Zimmerman or the murder of Mike Brown, but remain within the traditional political framework. While some see this as a “refinement” or evolution of the latter spontaneous actions, it could more accurately be described as the capturing of what was previously uncontrollable. Instead of agitated crowds chucking proverbial wrenches into the gears of the nearest capitalist infrastructure, activists carefully craft a spectacular event for mass consumption. The latter follows the activist logic of consciousness-raising through media-centric protest, perhaps inherently so. These actions interrupt the functioning of society only as required to draw attention to their grievance or cause.
The nature of demands has been more thoroughly explored elsewhere, but put simply: any engagement with those in power to address our problems simultaneously reinforces their power. I refer to this as politics. To take action that seeks no concessions or even recognition from power, that advances our own position in a material way, is sometimes called destitution.
A typical anarchist reaction to the actions carried out by these activists usually involves suggesting less controlled, more confrontational actions instead—but as discussed in the original piece, this doesn’t truly get to the heart of the matter. More destructive actions can still be captured by politics if politics itself is not confronted. However, the future depicted in “Do Riots Work?” has not yet come to pass: rioting and it’s associated tactics (property destruction, street fighting, looting) have not yet entered the mainstream tactical array of activists in the United States.
While anarchists in the United States are familiar with a left that represents the pacifist middle ground between themselves and the far right, it appears more likely that it’s function will evolve to capturing tactical escalations within the political terrain. Instead of, or even complimentary to, fighting against escalations of militancy, it will attempt to make those actions legible to power, to explain them politically.
More and more are becoming frustrated with the plainly ineffective rallies and parades, it would be a mistake for the left to forfeit its own legitimacy so easily by abstaining from militancy which has become increasingly popular. Conceding a moderate amount of damage is a small price for preserving the social control of politics.
I therefore propose the following hypothesis: it will be worth more in the long run to push the analytical framework of destitution rather than trying to escalate from within a political logic.
If we set our sights on the social order in it’s entirety, the tactical maturity will follow. There is no reason to remain devoted to pacifist tactics when one stops appealing to the state or the ‘masses.’
Of course, the importance of desitution is about more than tactics, it is about making insurrections irreversible. How else could order be restored, without the legitimacy of politics? Undermining this legitimacy is the only way to prevent a return to normality. Satisfying demands—or, all too often, simply the promise to satisfy the demands in the future—can easily halt revolt in it’s tracks.
When we find ourselves in these situations—in riots, in blockades, in uprisings—we don’t simply get to choose the character that it takes. For this reason, we must find ways to intervene in these political movements to push the tensions at anti-political fault lines within these events. Politicians of all sorts must be resisted and their programs sabotaged, laying bare their attempts to preserve life as we know it—while sowing the seeds of destitution.
We also need to operate outside of them to maximize our potential. There is no denying the material consequences of attacks or blockades regardless of their political nature. A shut down highway is a shut down highway, a burnt police station is a burnt police station. When activists carry out their theatrical actions, it could be an opportune moment to paralyze another node of the metropolis. Not because our struggle is the same, but to spread the fires of revolt.
A Short Post Script
Whilst the primary focus of both essays dealt primarily with recuperation of confrontational tactics from the left, there are more reasons to dis-identify tactics from motivations.
As should be clear, shared tactics have little relation to a shared project—and often enough the opposite is the case. The re-emergent far-right in Europe (and more often in the U.S. as well) has found itself capable of breaking windows and torching refugee housing, while various authoritarian factions have joined popular uprisings from Kiev to Cairo. Many have observed that this decade’s revolts appear to belong to a single trajectory, but the conclusion that we are all partisans of insurrection together is a false one—even if some refuse to admit it.
This thinking is best represented by the recent video A Resolution, which is a short propaganda film that calls people to action, but shies away from putting forth any position. Simply anyone fighting “for freedom” or “for the Earth” should join up together and get organized. The omission of any discernible ideological grounding is further complicated by the inclusion of footage from movements that took a heavily right-wing character.
We must be absolutely clear: we are not simply advocating for certain tactics, we intend to see the end of domination.
On February 6th, anarchist comrade Panagiotis Aspiotis is transferred
from Navplio prisons allegedly to Koridallos prisons. In reality they
transferred him to the isolation section of the metagogon (transfer
detention cells bulding). A bit later it became known that the comrade,
while having his arms tied up behind his back, got attacked by the
cowardly hooded thugs of the anti-terrorist force who seriously injured
him during but also after the reason for their visit which was no more
than to extract a DNA sample. Later the comrade was transferred to the
hospital for exams.
The whole story of the comrades’ transfer was a well-staged trap by the
mechanisms of the police and the ministry of justice, who for a while
now were looking for a way to extract a dna sample from him. We would
like to remind that the comrade did not give a dna sample when he was
first arrested since there was a pause in police brutality and violent
extraction, with the clarification in the law that the sample must be
extracted “without violating the dignity of the accused” and “with the
presence of an expert who the accused designates”. This clarification
was made after the hunger strike of the political prisoners
(2/3/15-18/4/15) as a middle ground solution to the demand to forbid the
violent extraction of dna samples, one of the many demands that were
won, each on a different level. This legal glitch was violated during later arrests through
the intervention of the special prosecutors and
interrogators and the special authority the exclusion legislations
(187A) give them. It is also important to remind that the prosecutor in
Grevena had demanded the extraction of dna samples by the hospital of
that city while the comrade was held in prison there.Then comrades were
informed in time in order for them to intervene to a possible torturing
that would take place in the hospital. Solidarians but also medical
staff were on standby but the transfer did not take place after the
comrade refused. Thus after a few months the state, with secretary
general of the ministry of justice Eftihis Fitrakis and special
interrogator Eftihis Nikopoulos as the frontmen, delegates the job to
the anti-terrorist force by setting up the suitable trap for the
torturing to extract a dna sample from the comrade.
The state once more violates its own laws with unprecedented ease.
None of us has the illusion that laws can function as guarantees of freedom no matter how
progressive they are, since they are still laws of the state, rules for
the functioning of a structure that is naturally oppressive therefore
hostile. Especially when their function limits the oppressive ease, they
are placed in the “to-be-modified list” or are bypassed from the windows
or are systemically violated. In this case there is a small obstacle
that limits one of the main weapons of oppression that is the arbitrary
use of dna as incriminating evidence, which was violated blatantly and
with excess violence.
In the hunger strike we had also defined the limitation of use of dna as
a target, exactly because we know what an important piece of
false-evidence it consists in the way its used. Its only use is to hold
comrades in prison as long as possible. From the first moment of that
struggle it became evident that no conquest will be a given and the only
way to maintain our ground is continuous revolutionary anti-state and
anti-capitalist battle. This is confirmed once more today.
Someone accused irrelevantly if they are an anarchist or not has every
reason to refuse the extraction of dna. The labs of EL.AS (greek police)
are kitchens for cooking up cases and false-scientific proof of
evidence. We have seen this in all trials, where without evidence only
with a dna type that resembles that of the accused, the indictment is
evidenced. Cops, whether they wear a white apron or a hood are the same
protection dogs of the industrialists, shipowners, channel owners and
politicians. They are all accomplices in every torturing of a person.
The scumbags of the antiterrorist force and the police are worthy
descendants of Mallios and Babalis* in the times of a left coalition
government. We wish them that their career ends in the same glory.
Those of us who fight have acknowledged that the state continues
regardless if it’s managed by the right or the left. Those who are in
positions of authority must in turn acknowledge that the war from those
below also continues and is consistent.
The neoliberal leadership of Syriza completes the social looting the
previous governments left half completed. They pass in the social
insurance law which will finish off, among other things, the small
producers and redistribute the pie for the benefit of the
farming-industrial capital. They reinforce the banks with cash from the
support packages and tie the economy even tighter on them with most
recent indicative adjustment the mandatory use of plastic money
inaugurating a society of absolute control. They decrease the labour
costs in any way possible trying as they say to create an environment
friendly towards investments, that is to say slave workers, landless
farmers, favela neighbourhoods. In the field of foreign policy the state
remains a member of NATO, the relations with the apartheid state of
Israel and the junta of Egypt are strengthened and they take on the role
of the mercenary border-guard of the E.U. New immigrant concentration
camps are opened to manage the flow the E.U. itself created to a great
degree. In the frames of domestic oppression let’s not forget the
invasion of the riot cops in the occupied deanery building in Athens and
the arrest of the fighters who stood in the way of the extermination of
the imprisoned hunger strikers. With a left government for the first
time an ambush and torturing by the police is set-up against a comrade
who is already a prisoner. The EKAM (greek special forces) enter and
exit the prisons again and the prisoners are transferred and held in the
metagogon in disgusting conditions.
The left management can allegedly do all that could not be carried out
by the governments of classic social-democracy and the right wing
because of social reactions. This is their use, which however is
deteriorating very fast. Through delegation and within the system there
is no future. The solution for the problems caused by capitalism can
only come from revolutionary subversion and horizontal social
organization. The destruction of the state mechanism, the expropriation
of the wealth of the state, church and bosses and its self-management.
Only in this way will there be an end of the looting of nature, our
lives and the lives of our children.
The incident of torture of our imprisoned comrade is one more attack
against those who do not bow the head and as such it deserves similar
responses in the frames of the multiform struggle against the state and
ABOLISHING OF ALL ANTI-TERRORIST LAWS
DOWN WITH THE STATE AND WAGED SLAVERY
TORCH AND BURN ALL PRISON CELLS
Network of Combative Prisoners (DAK)
*Both Mallios and Babalis were cops-torturers during the junta in
Greece, Mallios was executed by the “17November” organization in
December 1976 and Babalis was executed by the “June 78” organization in
Translated by Act for freedom now!