The country is a powder keg and needs a fire or a detonator to blow up the capital and the state.
TEXT OF N. MAZIOTIS about 3th MEMORANDUM
AND ELECTION OF 20th SEPTEMBER
The 3th Memorandum signed by SYRIZA government marked the complete political bankruptcy of the regime of the left and the chimeric aspirations for a more “human” capitalism.
It marked the sinking of the management of the defeat of the social and popular movements for the period 2010-2012 which attempted SYRIZA after taking office last January. This whole period until the adoption of the third memorandum is a time expected concessions – for those who had no illusions – where the campaign promises to repeal or renegotiation of the Memorandum and partial mowing the debt with the parallel pursuit of a politics of relieving the poor first follow the agreement of February 20 which extended the second memorandum and came despite the disapproval of 62% of the people in the referendum of July 5 rejecting the proposals of the creditors, in passing the third memorandum wich is much harder than the measures rejected in the referendum.
From the “red” lines SYRIZA passed within a few months in complete retreat and acceptance of the creditors, the acceptance of a Memorandum much more hard than that wich would have voted the previous government of Samaras.
“First time left” and humiliation of the will of the social majority to get rid of the memoranda and politics that wants him serf of markets is has no precedent.
“First time left” and there was not shorter and sensational denial and betrayal of the expectations that governments in the political annals.
“First time left” and the Troika converted into institutions came officially quadripartite, since outside the EU, the ECB and the IMF are the real masters of the country involved and the European Stability Mechanism (ESM) by which the SYRIZA government requested new loan agreement and signed the third memorandum.
“First time left” and robbery against the people and the poor continues to further reduce wages and pensions, increasing the retirement age, rough taxation, by accepting the privatization of public property. The regime continues deservedly left politics of social genocide launched in 2010 by the Papandreou government with the first memorandum and continued by the Samaras government with the second memorandum.
The names of Tsipras, Varoufakis, Dragasaki, Skourletis, Pappas Voutsis, Lafazani added to the list of criminals politicians such as Papandreou and Venizelos, Papaconstantinou Loverdos Chrisochoïdis, Samara, Mitsotakis, Vroutsi, Georgiadis and others acted as dummies of the transnational economic elite.
With the passage of the third memorandum, SYRIZA signed in reality his political bankruptcy and condemnation since in order to bring the new agreement with its creditors for approval based itself more on the votes of the opposition pro-European parties ND, of Potamos, PASOK, led to a split which forced to proclamation an early election on 20 September.
These developments demonstrate the denigration of bourgeois parlamentarism and that the political system is more destabilized than ever.
The social majority, the hungry, the poor, the destitute, the unemployed, the homeless, workers, youth do not have to hope nothing from these elections. As I said before referring to the previous elections of January 2015, the solution is not to give the elections but the armed people.
No one has to hope anything from criminals of political parties, the dummies and puppets of the transnational economic elites and the European Union, their applicators of memoranda No one has to hope anything from the new “anti-memorandum saviors” that emerged from the breakup of SYRIZA, the Democratic Unity, the former left tendency of SYRIZA supporters the adoption of national currency that appear to be consistent anti-memorandum
They are the same insolvent and unreliable as insolvent and unreliable was Syriza, long before taking power when it appeared with an anti-memorandum rhetoric and an unrealistic social democratic and keinsianist program. These developments, the new left Memorandum justify the prediction of the Revolutionary Struggle for the transformation of SYRIZA into a neoliberal party long before come to power. With almost all the political parties being discredited, with PASOK and ANEL not far from being parties endangered by SYRIZA to bankrupt within seven months and becomes a purely neoliberal party with ND has shrunk because of the second memorandum, the LA.E. not persuaded by adopting the old unworkable Social Democrats program of SYRIZA, with a large part of society has turned its back on the political system by abstaining from electoral illusions and without any chance of a majority government, the country is in a status of permanent political instability which those who want the revolutionary overthrow should exploit.
The bankruptcy of SYRIZA dispelled illusions about solving social problems due to the crisis within the existing system. After saving the system requires the enslavement and winding sections of the population.
The country is a powder keg and needs a fire or a detonator to blow up the capital and the state.
The fact that the 3rd left Memorandum passed within the general social apathy with minimal coming down the street on July 15 and conflicts made on 22 July, is the result of the deadlock of major social and popular movements of the period of the First Memorandum 2010-2012 , deadlock due to the lack of perspective and proposals for the revolutionary overthrowing the capital and the state and the absence political military organization that will attempt to implement the overturn, ie of a revolutionary movement. But this situation should not disappoint us.
Revolutionaries never acted waiting for the masses to rise up spontaneously or be mobilized, but they scratched their way first giving the example of the racing action and taking advantage of the turmoil of the social base. They have never remained more favorable objective conditions for action, fight for revolution because of the devaluation and instability of the regime and they were never in poorer subjective conditions, apathy, deadlocks, resignation due to a lack of perspective and hope.
Our duty is to act in order to change the unfavorable conditions, to inspire hope and strength to revolt and overturn. This action consists in destabilizing and undermining already unstable system, the sabotage of the ruling policy, the implementation of memoranda and rescue plans.
The sabotage of the policy that targets investments of transnational capital in the country and privatizations and selling out of public property, sabotage the ongoing social banditry and genocide.
The adoption of dynamic forms of action, of the guerrilla, of armed struggle is necessary choice for the sabotage of the ruling politics. Bombings or armed action on a massive scale, in offices, facilities, structures and persons of government and of local and transnational capital may further destabilize the regime, to prevent investments and the selling out of public property, to make the country unsafe for investors of the transnational capital.
Our struggle over the adoption of the guerrilla and the armed struggle with other forms of action such combative protests as of this July 15th, squats or relief actions of socially weak and vulnerable, may have social and popular acceptance and footholds on the path to revolutionary overthrow.
But the overthrow of capitalist power and the State can only be done by recourse to arms, the armed occupation of enemy strongholds, parliament, ministries, banks, the Bank of Greece and the disarming of police stations.
In an era when illusions are dissolved, the armed social revolution is the only way. To save ourselves from social genocide imposed by the transnational economic elites and the state.
To avoid counting others dead from suicides, diseases, lack of basic goods. To prevent children faint from hunger and malnutrition.
To abolish social classes and the state.
To socialize everything, the wealth.
To live with dignity and to take life in our hands.
Let us not deceive ourselves that all this can be done having no targets, spearhead, unable to socialize our project, limited to a sterile rebellion or having alternative illusions concerning peripheral self-managed “islands of freedom” and endeavors that will surround the state and will wipe out the market economy.
Let us not deceive ourselves that all this can be done without risking our lives for freedom … Because as history has shown the tree of freedom in order to develop is watered with blood.
NO TO ELECTORIAL ILLUSIONS
ARMED SOCIAL REVOLUTION
Nikos Maziotis, member of the Revolutionary Struggle
My name is Assata Shakur, and I am a 20th century escaped slave. Because of government persecution, I was left with no other choice than to flee from the political repression, racism and violence that dominate the US government’s policy towards people of color. I am an ex-political prisoner, and I have been living in exile in Cuba since 1984.
I have been a political activist most of my life, and although the U.S. government has done everything in its power to criminalize me, I am not a criminal, nor have I ever been one. In the 1960s, I participated in various struggles: the black liberation movement, the student rights movement, and the movement to end the war in Vietnam. I joined the Black Panther Party. By 1969 the Black Panther Party had become the number one organization targeted by the FBI’s COINTELPRO program. Because the Black Panther Party demanded the total liberation of black people, J. Edgar Hoover called it “greatest threat to the internal security of the country” and vowed to destroy it and its leaders and activists.
In 1978, my case was one of many cases bought before the United Nations Organization in a petition filed by the National Conference of Black Lawyers, the National Alliance Against Racist and Political Repression, and the United Church of Christ Commission for Racial Justice, exposing the existence of political prisoners in the United States, their political persecution, and the cruel and inhuman treatment they receive in US prisons. According to the report:
‘The FBI and the New York Police Department in particular, charged and accused Assata Shakur of participating in attacks on law enforcement personnel and widely circulated such charges and accusations among police agencies and units. The FBI and the NYPD further charged her as being a leader of the Black Liberation Army which the government and its respective agencies described as an organization engaged in the shooting of police officers. This description of the Black Liberation Army and the accusation of Assata Shakur’s relationship to it was widely circulated by government agents among police agencies and units. As a result of these activities by the government, Ms. Shakur became a hunted person; posters in police precincts and banks described her as being involved in serious criminal activities; she was highlighted on the FBI’s most wanted list; and to police at all levels she became a ‘shoot-to-kill’ target.”
I was falsely accused in six different “criminal cases” and in all six of these cases I was eventually acquitted or the charges were dismissed. The fact that I was acquitted or that the charges were dismissed, did not mean that I received justice in the courts, that was certainly not the case. It only meant that the “evidence” presented against me was so flimsy and false that my innocence became evident. This political persecution was part and parcel of the government’s policy of eliminating political opponents by charging them with crimes and arresting them with no regard to the factual basis of such charges.
On May 2, 1973 I, along with Zayd Malik Shakur and Sundiata Acoli were stopped on the New Jersey Turnpike, supposedly for a “faulty tail light.” Sundiata Acoli got out of the car to determine why we were stopped. Zayd and I remained in the car. State trooper Harper then came to the car, opened the door and began to question us. Because we were black, and riding in a car with Vermont license plates, he claimed he became “suspicious.” He then drew his gun, pointed it at us, and told us to put our hands up in the air, in front of us, where he could see them. I complied and in a split second, there was a sound that came from outside the car, there was a sudden movement, and I was shot once with my arms held up in the air, and then once again from the back. Zayd Malik Shakur was later killed, trooper Werner Foerster was killed, and even though trooper Harper admitted that he shot and killed Zayd Malik Shakur, under the New Jersey felony murder law, I was charged with killing both Zayd Malik Shakur, who was my closest friend and comrade, and charged in the death of trooper Forester. Never in my life have I felt such grief. Zayd had vowed to protect me, and to help me to get to a safe place, and it was clear that he had lost his life, trying to protect both me and Sundiata. Although he was also unarmed, and the gun that killed trooper Foerster was found under Zayd’s leg, Sundiata Acoli, who was captured later, was also charged with both deaths. Neither Sundiata Acoli nor I ever received a fair trial We were both convicted in the news media way before our trials. No news media was ever permitted to interview us, although the New Jersey police and the FBI fed stories to the press on a daily basis. In 1977, I was convicted by an all- white jury and sentenced to life plus 33 years in prison. In 1979, fearing that I would be murdered in prison, and knowing that I would never receive any justice, I was liberated from prison, aided by committed comrades who understood the depths of the injustices in my case, and who were also extremely fearful for my life.
The U.S. Senate’s 1976 Church Commission report on intelligence operations inside the USA, revealed that “The FBI has attempted covertly to influence the public’s perception of persons and organizations by disseminating derogatory information to the press, either anonymously or through “friendly” news contacts.” This same policy is evidently still very much in effect today.
On December 24, 1997, The New Jersey State called a press conference to announce that New Jersey State Police had written a letter to Pope John Paul II asking him to intervene on their behalf and to aid in having me extradited back to New Jersey prisons. The New Jersey State Police refused to make their letter public. Knowing that they had probably totally distort the facts, and attempted to get the Pope to do the devils work in the name of religion, I decided to write the Pope to inform him about the reality of’ “justice” for black people in the State of New Jersey and in the United States. (See attached Letter to the Pope).
In January of 1998, during the pope’s visit to Cuba, I agreed to do an interview with NBC journalist Ralph Penza around my letter to the Pope, about my experiences in New Jersey court system, and about the changes I saw in the United States and it’s treatment of Black people in the last 25 years. I agreed to do this interview because I saw this secret letter to the Pope as a vicious, vulgar, publicity maneuver on the part of the New Jersey State Police, and as a cynical attempt to manipulate Pope John Paul II. I have lived in Cuba for many years, and was completely out of touch with the sensationalist, dishonest, nature of the establishment media today. It is worse today than it was 30 years ago. After years of being victimized by the “establishment” media it was naive of me to hope that I might finally get the opportunity to tell “my side of the story.” Instead of an interview with me, what took place was a “staged media event” in three parts, full of distortions, inaccuracies and outright lies. NBC purposely misrepresented the facts. Not only did NBC spend thousands of dollars promoting this “exclusive interview series” on NBC, they also spent a great deal of money advertising this “exclusive interview” on black radio stations and also placed notices in local newspapers.
. . .
Like most poor and oppressed people in the United States, I do not have a voice. Black people, poor people in the U.S. have no real freedom of speech, no real freedom of expression and very little freedom of the press. The black press and the progressive media has historically played an essential role in the struggle for social justice. We need to continue and to expand that tradition. We need to create media outlets that help to educate our people and our children, and not annihilate their minds. I am only one woman. I own no TV stations, or Radio Stations or Newspapers. But I feel that people need to be educated as to what is going on, and to understand the connection between the news media and the instruments of repression in Amerika. All I have is my voice, my spirit and the will to tell the truth. But I sincerely ask, those of you in the Black media, those of you in the progressive media, those of you who believe in truth freedom, To publish this statement and to let people know what is happening. We have no voice, so you must be the voice of the voiceless.
Free all Political Prisoners, I send you Love and Revolutionary Greetings From Cuba, One of the Largest, Most Resistant and Most Courageous Palenques (Maroon Camps) That has ever existed on the Face of this Planet.
Assata Shakur Havana, Cuba
Below is a clip of Assata Sakur’s Documentary “Eyes of the Rainbow: Assata Shakur Documentary”
“I am a Black revolutionary woman, and because of this i have been charged with and accused of every alleged crime in which a woman was believed to have participated. The alleged crimes in which only men were supposedly involved, i have been accused of planning. They have plastered pictures alleged to be me in post offices, airports, hotels, police cars, subways, banks, television, and newspapers. They have offered … rewards for my capture and they have issued orders to shoot on sight and shoot to kill.” — Assata Shakur
“People get used to anything. The less you think about your oppression, the more your tolerance for it grows. After a while, people just think oppression is the normal state of things. But to become free, you have to be acutely aware of being a slave.”
― Assata Shakur, Assata: An Autobiography
ATHENS, Greece — More than 20,000 demonstrators have joined a rally in Athens marking the 41st anniversary of a deadly student uprising against the country’s former dictatorship. More than 7000 riot police have been deployed and several confrontations have already taken place today.
In Greece schools have been occupied for a week, on the 13th the rector of Athens University was locked and guarded with the same riot police standing guard that attacked the demonstration on Wednesday bloodying the heads of two students.
After an entire day of protests and events attended by 10’s of thousands who demonstrated without any major incident, Greek police began a brutal crackdown. Police attacked with teargas, sound grenades and batons injuring at least 7 protesters and two Vice-Gr journalists who were both sent to the hospital for care. 73 people were detained and 10 arrested. The videos below document the police violence. Many protesters did try and remain calm and continue with marches despite violent police while others retaliated and resisted the police assault by throwing stones and even molotovs.
In Athens Greek motorbike cops beat man unconscious, then leave him helpless in the street.
The Robber Barons
Continuing with the installments to the “Anarchist Current,” the Afterword to Volume Three of Anarchism: A Documentary History of Libertarian Ideas, in this section I describe how, in the 1880s and 1890s, anarchists renewed their involvement in working class struggles in Europe and the Americas, leading to the emergence of anarcho-syndicalism.
Anarchism and the Workers’ Struggles
The Haymarket Martyrs were part of the so-called “Black International,” the International Working People’s Association. The IWPA drew its inspiration from the anti-authoritarian International, and adopted a social revolutionary anarchist program at its founding Congress in Pittsburgh in 1883, openly advocating armed insurrection and the revolutionary expropriation of the capitalists by the workers themselves (Volume One, Selection 55). Following the example of the anti-authoritarian International of the 1870s, the IWPA sought to create revolutionary trade unions that would press for the immediate demands of the workers, for example the 8 hour day, while preparing for the social revolution. Around the same time, similar ideas were being propounded by the Workers’ Federation of the Spanish Region (Volume One, Selection 36), and by anarchists involved in working class movements in Latin America.
But by 1894 in Europe, when Malatesta again urged anarchists to go to the people, many agreed with him that after “twenty years of propaganda and struggle… we are today nearly strangers to the great popular commotions which agitate Europe and America” (Volume One, Selection 53). One of those anarchists was Fernand Pelloutier (1867-1901). Sensing growing disillusionment among the workers with the electoral tactics of the socialist parties, some anarchists had again become involved in the trade union movement. Pelloutier argued that through participation in the trade unions, anarchists “taught the masses the true meaning of anarchism, a doctrine” which can readily “manage without the individual dynamiter” (Volume One, Selection 56). It was from this renewed involvement in the workers’ struggles that anarcho-syndicalism was born (Volume One, Chapter 12).
Pelloutier argued, as Bakunin had before him (Volume One, Selection 25), that revolutionary trade union organizations, unlike the state, are based on voluntary membership and therefore operate largely on the basis of free agreement. Any trade union “officials” are subject to “permanent revocability,” and play a coordinating rather than a “directorial” role. Through their own autonomous organizations, the workers will come “to understand that they should regulate their affairs for themselves,” and will be able to prevent the reconstitution of state power after the revolution by taking control of “the instruments of production,” seeing “to the operation of the economy through the free grouping,” rendering “any political institution superfluous,” with the workers having already become accustomed “to shrug off tutelage” through their participation in the revolutionary trade union, or “syndicalist,” movement (Volume One, Selection 56).
Also noteworthy in Pelloutier’s call for renewed anarchist involvement in the workers’ movement was his endorsement of anarchist communism as the ultimate goal of the revolutionary syndicalist movement. However, in France, after Pelloutier’s death, the revolutionary syndicalist organization, the Confédération Générale du Travail (CGT), adopted a policy of nonaffiliation with any party or doctrine, including anarchism. CGT militants, such as Pierre Monatte, claimed that within the CGT all doctrines enjoyed “equal tolerance” (Volume One, Selection 60). The CGT focused on the means of revolutionary action, such as direct action and the general strike, instead of arguing over ideology.
This was in contrast to anarcho-syndicalist union federations, such as the Workers’ Federations of the Argentine Region (FORA) and the Uruguayan Region (FORU), which, as with Pelloutier, recommended “the widest possible study of the economic-philosophical principles of anarchist communism” (Volume One, Selection 58). The anarcho-syndicalists sought to organize the workers into revolutionary trade unions through which they would abolish the state and capitalism by means of general strikes, factory occupations, expropriation and insurrection. For the most part, their ultimate goal was anarchist communism, the abolition of wage labour, private property and the state, and the creation of free federations of worker, consumer and communal associations, whether in Latin America (Volume One, Selection 95), Russia (Volume One, Selection 84), Japan (Volume One, Selection 107), Spain (Volume One, Selection 124), or elsewhere.
Anarcho-syndicalists were behind the reconstitution of the International Workers’ Association (IWA/AIT) in 1922, with a membership of about two million workers from 15 countries in Europe and Latin America. At their founding Congress, they explicitly endorsed “libertarian communism” as their goal and rejected any “form of statism, even the so-called ‘Dictatorship of the Proletariat’,” because dictatorship “will always be the creator of new monopolies and new privileges” (Volume One, Selection 114).
Anarchists who sought to work within revolutionary working class organizations or popular movements adopted different approaches regarding the proper relationship between their anarchist ideals and these broader based social movements. Some, such as Amadée Dunois (1878-1945), argued that anarchists needed their own organizations to coordinate their activities, to support their work within the trade unions and to spread their ideas, infusing the workers’ organizations “with the anarchist spirit” (Dunois, 1907). This model of dual organization was similar to what Bakunin had advocated during the First International, when he urged his comrades in his revolutionary brotherhood, the Alliance of Social Revolutionaries, which adhered to Bakunin’s anarchist program, to join the International in order to steer it in an anarchist direction.
Antonio Pellicer Paraire (1851-1916), a veteran of the anarchist Workers’ Federation of the Spanish Region (Volume One, Selection 36), acknowledged in an article from 1900 that, given the existing state of the workers’ movement, “parallel or dual organization has to be accepted,” with the anarchists maintaining their own revolutionary groups, but he argued that the primary focus must be on creating libertarian workers’ federations in which each worker is an equal and active participant, so as to prevent the development of a trade union bureaucracy and a de facto executive assuming control of the organization. Each organization must in turn retain “their autonomy and independence, free of meddling by other groups and with no one having methods, systems, theories, schools of thought, beliefs, or any faith shoved down his throat” (Volume One, Selection 57). Only through the self-activity of the masses can an anarchist society hope to be achieved.
In his posthumously published work, The Anarchist Conception of Syndicalism (1920), Neno Vasco (1878-1920), who was active in the Brazilian and Portuguese anarchist movements, warned of the dangers of self-proclaimed anarchist groups, “populated more by rebels than by anarchists,” seizing the initiative and forcing “emancipation” on the people by claiming “the right to act on its behalf,” instead of prompting the people “to look to its own liberation,” with “the persons concerned” taking matters “directly in hand.” For example, the provision of suitable housing “should be left to the tenants themselves,” a point later emphasized by Giancarlo de Carlo (Volume Two, Selection 18) and Colin Ward (1983), and “all the other production, transport and distribution services… should be entrusted to the workers working in each sector.”
The latest Global Uprisings film chronicles a year of resistance and repression that has left Turkey profoundly divided in the wake of the Gezi uprising.
Political struggles over the future of Turkey have left the country profoundly divided. Former Prime Minister, now President, Tayyip Erdogan, has fueled growing polarization through his authoritarian response to protests, his large-scale urban development projects, his religious social conservatism, and most recently, through his complicity in the Islamic State’s war against the Kurdish people in Northern Syria.
In the year after the Gezi uprising, protests continue against the government’s urban redevelopment plans, against police repression, in response to repression of the Kurdish and Alevi populations, and in honor of the martyrs that lost their lives in the uprising. Most recently, angry protests and riots have spread across the country in solidarity with the Kurdish People’s Protection Units fighting against the Islamic State in Kobanê, Rojava. This film chronicles a year of uprisings, resistance and repression since the Gezi uprising in Turkey.
In solidarity with comrade and fighter Nikos Maziotis we placed the banner, this morning the 17th 10.2014. He is one of the few uncompromising fighters and people who have decided to devote his life to the struggle for freedom in this fight not think of their own safety and the risks of choosing this path took it upon themselves. Nikos flashes as an example not only Greece that is affected by the capitalist and the brutal measures of austerity and class war, in which on one side are state with a rich domestic and foreign capital owners with all the financial resources military logistics and the other unarmed people who are impoverished and disappears under the heel of the Fascist capitalists, unjust war in which the victims were always on the side of the oppressed but also in the whole Europe and the world, where this kind of open fight against system is missing or has a milder form … Nikos shows that the debt-ridden Greece in the EU today price that the poor pay not only debt to banks, but also with their blood and skin. To remind that in Greece there is increase in suicides because people are unable to pay their debt to the banks. (The case of pensioners from 2012 who killed himself in front of the Greek parliament.) Which caused riots and protests in Greece. The percentage of people who hunger strike asking for their rights, and those in prison. Nikos is behind bars but his free spirit remains unshaken and he now appears by phone to his fellow citizens and his message will be transferred released into the ether live in a building Politehnia.(After second letter he wrote from prison in honor of Ulrike Meinhofs birthday.) Solidarity with Nikos Maziotis, and all political prisoners who stood in open conflict with the system and its inhumane values.
FREEDOM FOR NIKOS MAZIOTIS
LONG LIVE REVOLUTIONARY STRUGGLE
FREEDOM FOR ALL POLITICAL PRISONERS
Friends from Bosnia and Herzegovina, Prijedor
Marina Ginestà,This photograph was taken by Juan Guzman (who was born Hans Gutmann in Germany before going to Spain where he photographed the International Brigades). Date of the photo: July 21, 1936.
Marina Ginesta: activist, journalist and translator: born Toulouse 29 January 1919; died Paris 6 January 2014.
When Marina Ginesta heard on 18 July 1936 that the Spanish military had risen against the country’s democratically elected government, her first thought was that the army’s rebellion was to stop the People’s Olympiad, the alternative Olympic Games in Barcelona planned in protest against those held in Nazi Germany in the same summer. “We had no idea what was really happening, we were that innocent,” Ginesta, then a member of Spain’s Socialist Youth movement and helping to organise the Olympiad, recalled.
Istanbul anarchists along other leftists, feminists, and ‘Gezi park types’ have managed to cross over into Syria and the northern town of Kobane which is currently threatened by ISIS.
Vice reported yesterday that ISIS is within 5 miles of the city and are attacking with US military equipment including tanks that outmatches the weapons available to the YPG – Kurdish People’s Protection Units . Vice also reported that “Hundreds of Turkish Kurds are arriving too, sneaking or bribing their way across the border to fight alongside the YPG”
The photo shows a banner of the anarchist group DAF apparently just after the border has been crossed. The statement we were sent says “People are suffering from hunger and thirst, getting ill, getting injured; migrating and dying. They are still fighting in that struggle for existence. People are fighting not for the schemes and strategies around meeting tables, not for income, but for their freedom”
We hope to bring more details and further photos as they become available
“Thousands of young people, socialists, trade unionists, revolutionary, feminist, libertarian poured in from all over Turkey to Kobanê. They and they go there to support and defend the city réfugié.es.
The Turkish army tries to disperse them, as she is accused of being much more permissive with the jihadists who are trying, too, to cross the border to join Daech.
Despite the dams of the Turkish army, hundreds of activists and militants have managed to cross the border. Among them, the comrades of the Revolutionary Anarchist Action Group, who made the trip to Istanbul to join the defense of Kobanê, and sent these photos
More available on french
شبکه آنارشیستی aded
– this is a translation from our sister group in France, Alternative libertaire
It is simply factually dead wrong for the Tribune to assert that “city officials went to great lengths to facilitate [protesters’] right to assemble” during the May 2012 NATO protests. In fact, protesters had to battle for months for the right to protest — including against Mayor Rahm Emanuel’s infamous “sit down and shut up” ordinance. And hundreds of protesters who were kettled and assaulted by police on May 20, 2012 would flatly dispute the Tribune’s characterization of that calculated police violence as ‘turning the other cheek.’
Activists also learned more during the NATO 3 trial about what many had suspected — that Emanuel and police superintendent Garry McCarthy have stewarded the full-bore reinstatement of the city’s infamous Red Squad. Under Emanuel’s and McCarthy’s watch, police squandered untold public dollars to spy on constitutionally protected activity and position undercover cops as agent provocateurs to entrap protesters in ‘crimes’ wholly incited and manufactured by those undercover cops. And that spying has not ended. One of those officers involved in surveilling and infiltrating NATO protest efforts joined a volunteer health care project as a volunteer street medic — and was still spying on activists a year later.
It also bears noting that among the ‘masked agitators, dressed in black’ in the run-up to the NATO meeting were the two undercover officers at the heart of the NATO 3 entrapment: Nadia Chikko and Mehmet Uygun. One would have to be asleep at the switch — or an apologist for state repression — to assume there was not the same sort of police endeavor underway during the protests themselves.
But Judge Thaddeus Wilson adamantly insisted that issues related to First Amendment concerns would not be aired in this trial — in effect, guaranteeing that the police overreach and abuse at the heart of this manufactured case would never be disclosed to the jury and the public.
The Tribune has never asked Emanuel, McCarthy or States Attorney Anita Alvarez how much the investigation, incarceration and trial of the NATO 3 has cost the taxpayers. More broadly, the Tribune has never asked the City of Chicago for an honest accounting of what it cost taxpayers to police the NATO summit in real dollars. That’s a remarkable lapse by a newspaper known for its persistent drumbeat to account for — and cut where possible — public dollars for vital front-line public services that range from public health to public education.
The Tribune’s shrill call to lock up the NATO 3 and throw away the key mirrors a longstanding tradition of the paper’s editorial board. The Tribune invoked the same cry for blood more than 125 years ago in the Haymarket 8 case, when its editors at one point offered to pay jurors for a guilty verdict against those defendants. Four were executed on November 11, 1886.
Today, the Tribune has embraced that same unprincipled extremism — by endorsing police policies that create crimes where none exist and derail the fundamental right to dissent unmolested by police agent provocateurs and law enforcement spies. Totalitarianism is informed by a state strategy to dirty up and derail public opposition to government policy. Anita Alvarez, Rahm Emanual and Garry McCarthy have been happy to embrace this sort of despotism. And the Tribune has cosigned it.