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What the Raid Shows about the Police States to Come
The week of demonstrations against the G20 summit in Hamburg got off to a telling start on Sunday. A lengthy court battleculminated with the highest court in Germany upholding the right of the anticapitalist camp to set up in Hamburg. Yet when they attempted to do so, the police blocked access to the park, directly violating the court ruling, then carried out a brutal raid in which several hundred riot police surrounded and brutalized campers and confiscated their belongings. The following firsthand account illustrates the world that the G20 summit in Hamburg represents—a world in which “peaceful protest” and court proceedings exist only to distract the naïve, while the whims of security forces are the law of the land. No wonder people are preparing to resist the G20.
Video footage showing the tremendous numbers of police involved in the raid.
What Happened at Enterwerder Park
The passive demonstration that nonprofit groups organized for Sunday was explicitly not directed at the G20 rulers but only at their policies—as if mere sign-holding could possibly have any influence on state policy. The real demonstrations are scheduled to take place later this week during the summit itself.
The original group that had formed to organize a campsite for protesters during the G20 summit had split along similar lines, with the group that was afraid of anything that smacked of “violence” or opposition to capitalism accepting a purely symbolicsite far away from central Hamburg, while the other group continued to push for a place in Hamburg proper. The latter group had apparently won, with Germany’s highest court ruling in their favor.
We arrive at Enterwerder Park in late afternoon. Hundreds of hopeful campers are gathered at the gates of the park, kept out by lines of police in heavy riot gear.
The police have filled the area with armored vans, blocking the roads, stopping and immobilizing vehicles belonging to prospective campers and anyone else they consider suspicious. The campers have set up a temporary gathering at the gates, serving delicious goulash to whoever wants it and conferring about what to do. There is considerable outrage about the police defying the orders that the court gave to let us into the park, but no one has any particular idea what to do. Despite police rhetoric about “violence” and “rioters,” none of us came prepared for a confrontation.
There’s no point in trying to discuss it with the officers themselves. Their expressions are blank: their vacant eyes look through us as if we are not there at all. Recruiting advertisements on the armored vans depict hip young Germans with androgynous haircuts, their fresh faces strangely cruel and disinterested. I catch my comrades’ attention: “BEFORE,” I suggest, pointing to the fresh faces on the posters; “AFTER,” I conclude, pointing to a grizzled senior officer whose haunted visage illustrates the impact of a lifetime of obeying orders.
The police keep clamping down, establishing new control points along the road to the gate. They set up blockades multiple lines deep to prevent anyone from carrying more food to the aspiring campers at the gate—apparently someone was throwing apples over their heads so the campers wouldn’t go hungry. Fucking terrorists!
One local confides to me that although police will be present this week from all over Germany, these are the local Hamburg police. She knows them personally from attending demonstrations here—one of them broke her jaw, then made a point of beating her again at a subsequent demonstration.
We fan out into the area to look for other delivery routes to the assembly around the gate. In fact, there are several ways the police haven’t noticed. Rather than concentrating on the places they are blocking or sitting around apathetically, we should be looking for the margins, the edges beyond their awareness. They can never control everything completely.
However, when we finally return to the front of the park, the police have stood down. The officers who are standing to the side of the gates in small groups look somewhat sheepish as campers walk joyously past them. Has the chief of police relented, agreeing to abide by the court decision after all? We applaud as one of the trucks loaded with supplies passes through the gate. The drivers had been waiting for several hours, surrounded by lines of riot police.
Cheerful campers who have already set up large tents pick them up together, a person at each pole, so the tents themselves stroll across the threshold of the gate and into the park. This is the genial, animated world we hope to build.
Campers begin to set up in the park.
Walking into the park, we pass dozens more armored vans and several more full squadrons of riot police in formation. It is beginning to dawn on us just how many of them are concentrated here. Groups of them surround the field in the park that will serve as our campsite. Nonetheless, the mood is festive as people set up the area. The practical-minded German protesters have prepared quite a bit of construction material. We eat and talk and compare notes together, speculating about what the week will bring.
As night begins to fall, groups of police withdraw from the field to the single road leading to the gate through which we entered. Are they leaving, finally? Will the campers finally be able to relax and get a little rest?
No—they’re not leaving. They’re massing at the end of the field, on the path leading to the gate.
Some of us go over to take a look. There are hundreds of them now, identical in their armor, line after line after line. Guns and batons and pepper spray hang at their sides. Each is dressed head to toe in thousands of euros worth of state-of-the-art protective gear, paid for by dutiful taxpayers who are not particularly curious about what Deutschland is doing with all their hard-earned income. The officers in the back have already put on their helmets.
They pull an armored van with a public address system on it to the front of their lines. People with medical conditions or histories of personal trauma are panicking as they try to figure out how to leave the park. The rest of us move towards the front. No one is eager to get arrested so early in the week, but we know that if we show any fear now, the police will be emboldened to bully and attack demonstrators all week long. We are not choosing whether to defend a campsite—we’re choosing whether to defend our capacity to demonstrate at all. If we don’t accept the gauntlet they’re throwing down, we will give away our freedom.
An announcement comes screeching through the speakers atop the police van: a man with a high-pitched, nasal voice is threatening us. People whistle and shout back at him. A camper makes a counter-announcement from the truck with the sound system in it and people cheer.
The police make a second announcement. The tension is thick in the darkening gloom: are we all going to jail? To the hospital? Then they make a third announcement, and the stormtroopers come marching in. We hear the sickening thud of their boots treading the ground in unison.
We mass around the sound truck and the tents, forming lines of our own. The police march around us, encircling us, and then they close in. They reach the sound truck, physically attacking the people around it. The chaos is disorienting—the shouting, the sound of people being beaten and pepper sprayed around us.
There is a person in the back of the sound truck where the sound system is. One officer sprays him full in the face with pepper spray, then the police grab him, pull him out of the truck, and throw him to the ground. Several officers crowd around him, kicking him over and over with their heavy boots. They kick him in the ribs, in the knees, in the neck, in the head. They do this calmly, robotically, and then they leave him on the ground, blinded, gasping, and contorted in pain.
They do not make any move to arrest him. Like the rest of the campers, he has not committed any crime.
Medics rush those of the injured who have managed to escape out of the police cordon. Ambulances pull up, anticipating serious or permanent injuries. Police wave around cameras on poles equipped with blinding searchlights. “Why are you filming?” shouts one camper.
“We’re not filming,” answers the officer flourishing the camera.
An eternity and a half hour later, the police march back in formation, half a dozen tents in their possession. All this to terrorize demonstrators, to show that brute force alone is all that counts in Hamburg.
Video footage showing the tremendous numbers of police involved in the raid.
Welcome to Hell, Indeed
“There will be no curiosity, no enjoyment of the process of life. All competing pleasures will be destroyed. But always there will be the intoxication of power, constantly increasing and constantly growing subtler. Always, at every moment, there will be the thrill of victory, the sensation of trampling on an enemy who is helpless. If you want a picture of the future, imagine a boot stamping on a human face—forever.” – George Orwell, 1984
The police seek to realize a vision of hell on earth. In the cosmology they represent, all humanity is suspect, guilty of potential insubordination, and only the constant threat of violence can keep us in line. Free will is a liability in a world in which the only conceivable purpose is to follow orders in return for a paycheck, so that everyone can be controlled and punished. Police are the murderers of freedom.
The worst thing about police is that they seek to strip us of the ability to imagine anything other than the reality they represent and impose. That is why it is worth it to them to spend millions of euros on an operation to seize a handful of tents. When they attack us—when they beat us with fists or batons, when they pepper-spray us, tear-gas us, or Taser us, when they shoot at us with concussion grenades, rubber bullets, marker rounds, or live ammunition—the real target of their assault is not our bodies, but our faith in humanity.
They seek to bludgeon out of us any hope that human beings could relate on equal terms, leaving only the ugly equation of authority, obedience, and violence. They represent the very worst our species is capable of—pure mercenary indifference—and they hope to make this exception into the norm.
This is not surprising. Their lies about “human nature” offer the only narrative that could possibly excuse their conduct. For our part, we know that human nature, if there is such a thing, is broad enough to include many possibilities, many different ways of being and relating.
The masters of these police—the leaders of the G20, who will be meeting in Hamburg this week—represent a political class that no longer has any idea how to respond to the problems of our time except with greater and greater exertions of coercive force. There is no longer any pretense that we are moving towards a free and beautiful future, but rather a climate-change catastrophe torn by civil wars, divided between dictatorships and increasingly flimsy pretenses of democracy. This is why the G20 leaders are increasingly reliant on the police forces, to the extent of letting them dictate state policy in defiance of court orders. Without the representatives of brute force on their side, the ruling class is sunk, and they know it.
In this sense, the police state has already arrived.
When Donald Trump explicitly endorses violence against journalists and other Republican politicians carry it out, it is clear enough that the gloves have come off. In nations that still pride themselves on being democratic, such politicians—and their apologists, some of whom pose as their adversaries—will attempt to convince protesters that the only way to be “democratic” themselves is to obey the laws and passively accept whatever impositions the police make, while the authorities themselves hasten towards the rule of pure force. If they succeed in convincing us to be passive, the future will assuredly be unmitigated tyranny.
Make no mistake: if there are clashes in Hamburg this week, if anyone sees fit to defend herself or himself from the tens of thousands of police officers that have assembled here to brutalize all who will not slavishly consent to their rule, the fault lies with the so-called forces of order. They started it with their unprovoked attack on the camp at Enterwerder Park, they started it by treating Hamburg as a training ground to practice mass police brutality, they started it by training and assembling all these thugs in the first place.
The demonstrators against the G20 are fighting for their lives. They are fighting for all of our lives, for the world that we all share together—and they are fighting out of the kindness of their hearts. On the other side of the lines, we see the police abdicating responsibility for their actions in return for thirty pieces of silver. Anything anyone can do to resist them, to disrupt their strategies for world domination and carve out spaces of freedom, is loyalty to what is best in humanity.
Yet the transformations we seek will not be won simply in symmetrical clashes with police and fascists. Above all, we have to make it possible to believe in what is freest and most beautiful in our species, even as the authorities strive to conceal it. We have to make our dreams contagious, so that one day the police will find themselves surrounded and isolated, the last ones who still subscribe to their hideous program. We have to make spaces of joy and healing in which they, too, might one day shed their shameful skins and become something beautiful and free.
Campers wait outside the police blockade; the raid involving nearly a thousand riot police.
Postscript: A Note on Strategy
The park was a trap. The police did not let us in because the court had ruled that we had a right to be there, but only so that they could surround, contain, and brutalize us.
Perhaps we should have stayed outside the police lines. When a huge number of police are available to the state, as during this G20 summit, it doesn’t pay to let them surround us. It’s better to remain at the margins of their zones of control, always forcing them to expand further, spreading their resources thinner and creating situations in which they can’t help but antagonize the general population.
At the edge of their range of control, our smaller numbers are not a problem—on the contrary, they can make it harder to track us, harder to predict what we will do next. When the authorities have to keep controlling ever wider areas, their bulk and force become liabilities, burdening them and provoking the public, drawing additional demographics and variables into the conflict.
This strategy of spreading out their area of concentration worked during the 2009 G20 summit in Pittsburgh, when protesters set out to cross the city in the opposite direction from the walls of riot police surrounding the meetings.
When the police realized what was going on and mobilized, attempting to establish control throughout large swathes of the city, they ended up turning the people of Pittsburgh against them, precipitating a series of new clashes in which business districts were demolished, the police lost legitimacy in the public eye, and many who had previously been outside the clashes were politicized.
If, rather than filing into the camp, we had remained at the edges, we might have accomplished some of the same things. At the least, we might have been able to draw the focus of the police away from assaulting the hapless campers. There was only a single entry point into the park for all those riot vans—had we blocked it, they surely would have been forced to shift their attention from the camp to the city around them, a hostile territory that wants no part of their summit and experiences them as an occupying force.
Perhaps these reflections can be of use over the coming days.
Today, 7th June 2017, the judge pronounced the sentence in the court case against two anarchist comrades accused of having robbed the PaxBank in Aachen 2014. While one comrade was set free, our sister and comrade was sentenced to seven and a half years of prison.
What this sentence has clearly shown, is that not only were the facts on trial but also ideas, our anarchist ideas, our solidarity bond and the refusal of collaboration with power.
Despite their intention to break and repress our anarchist ideas and practices, for our part, we remain and will remain proud and convinced of who we are and why we struggle.
This is what was shown in courtroom with our cries of rage and solidarity, as an answer to the dignity that our comrade maintained saluting us with her head high her fist raised as she was being escorted out of the room. We expressed all our contempt to the court for what it represents. We hope that this storm of rage and hate, and of love for our comrade blows and spreads wide throughout this damned world.
Freedom for our comrades, war on our enemies
Some anarchists in solidarity
Barricades in solidarity with the anarchists implicated in the Aachen affair
At the early hours of the 7th of June a street blockade was carried out by setting fire to garbage containers and to tires with the aim of parlysing the traffic entering and leaving from Barcelona through the rovira tunnel.
This action is in solidarity with the anarchist comrades accused in the Aachen case, on the day of their verdict.
Attack with paint on the german chamber of commerce in Barcelona, as an answer to the verdict of the Aachen case.
After the verdict of this morning which sentenced an anarchist comrade accused on bank robbery to seven and a half years of prison…
This midday we paid a visit to the german chamber of commerce on Calle Còrsega, n. 301. We redecorated the huge door making one thing clear: CAP CONDEMNA ENS FARÀ CREURE (A) (no sentence will make us believe (A).)
We want to express our solidairty with our comrade, send her and her close comrades an embrace, while pointing out the german entrepreneurial network.
Your sentences cannot stop our ideas, our lives, nor the world we carry in our hearts!
Stealing from a bank is not violence, founding one is!
On Tuesday, June 6, at noon we slashed the wheels of two trucks of the multinational DHL, in solidarity with the anarchists imprisoned and on trial in Germany accused of expropriating a bank.
With this symbolic action we wanted to point out one of the biggest companies of German capital, which profits from the business of war and frontiers, and greet the comrades that are tomorrow facing the final day of their courtcase in Aachen.
On the occasion of reports that talk about transforming the building where occupation Rosa Nera is in a hotel, the Anarchosindicalists Initiative “Rosinante” has published the following announcement:
In the last week, in newspapers (Eleftheros Press, Kathimerini) and racist web sites belonging to the “New Democracy” appears the Rectorate of the Polytechnic of Crete to offer informal “in secret” auctions buildings of the city to tourism bosses. Among these buildings is the building of the Rosa Nera Occupation. This move is part of the wider attack on social and labor movements – and with the backs of the current government.
The occupation of Rosa Nera, for 13 years, is a working machine of support and organization for important aspects of social and labor movements in Chania. Through a libertarian and anarchist culture that supports the organization on the ground, the political work of occupation offers both a hospitable “home” for social struggles and a critical human potential for most social, labor, environmental and rightful claims in Chania.
They know this well both in the villages of the county, which have been plagued by the looting and destruction of the environment from “green growth” and in the city: In the world, by trade unions, student co-ordinates, migrant and immigrant initiatives, Artistic groups and productions, social solidarity initiatives and initiatives to claim public spaces supported and / or collaborated with Rosa Nera. The occupation, unlike some others, has hosted refugee families when the city’s bodies were unable or disinterested. And along with other collectives – such as Immigration Stake, Immigration Forum and Social Kitchen – Rosa Nera has been a powerful force in one of the most important issues of modern class struggle: defending migrant life and struggles for rights and Life that deny to migrants by the same racist bosses who today want to take the place of occupation.
It is logical, therefore, to have the bosses with Rosa Nera. On the one hand the world of struggle for the class and social revaluation of life, and on the other hand the exploiters and their political staff. Much more, when we talk about bosses exploiting work in tourism businesses, bosses who have frozen wages for 20 years, with more recent cuts of up to 40%, have eliminated stamps, bonuses and insurance. It is also logical that the specific business will be made by the aspiring politician of the right and now rector Dimalakis in collaboration with the party of the ND. Which is involved in a lot of scandals, more recently the case of the loans of “Kirikas Chania” and the “golden buildings” of the Pancretan Bank.
Prior to the occupation, this area was always in the hands of the city’s authority as an administrative or military center, and its history is heavy: in its basements, fighters have been tortured by the Gestapo during occupation and by the ESA during the dictatorship . When the building was handed over to the polytechnic, it was left to chance as a closed dilapidated space. Thanks to the collective work of many people, for the first time the building and the area of occupation became accessible and opened safely to society. For the first time, one can enjoy the ride and his company, in a place that has always been locked up by power. Finally, 13 years now, Rosa Nera’s occupation is another social barrier to the rise of the extreme right and the effort of racists, militarists and neo-Nazis to appear with demands on the streets and workplaces of the city.
The solidarity and our support is given.
-Hands down from the occupation of Rosa Nera and the social occupations
-Solidarity with the social spaces that fight against fascism, militarism, exploitation
Responsibility claim for the attacks on the houses of cops Efthimis
Efthimiadis and Ilias Hajis.
On March 10th 2010, anarchist and member of Revolutionary Struggle Lambros Foundas is executed in Dafni during the expropriation of a vehicle that was going to be used in an act of revolutionary violence of the organization.
The arson of the residences of cops Efthimis Efthimiadis on 20 Kiprou
street in Agios Pavlos, and Ilias Hajis on 17 Papanastasiou street in Sikies, Thessaloniki in the early hours of March 9th, is our minimal homage to the memory of a comrade who was killed by the shots of the metropolitan occupation army of democracy, fighting for the Revolution. Dead fighters are the reason and cause of the continuation of our revolutionary struggle.
On Thursday January 5th, are arrested the members of Revolutionary Struggle Pola Roupa and Kostandina Athanasopoulou. During the arrest of comrade Pola, the hooded cops of the anti-Terrorist force kidnap her 6year old son and with the order of the Prosecutor of Minors Nikolou, transfer him to the psychiatric wing of ‘Pedon’ hospital, under guard.
The 3 members of R.S., Pola Roupa, Kostandina Athanasopoulou and Nikos Maziotis, from the first moment of their arrests begin a hunger-thirst strike, demanding the immediate release of the 6year old child and the custody be given to the relatives.
The message is clear: Against the stubbornness of revolutionaries, repression deploys its filthiest and most unethical weapons. However this despicable attempt by the mechanisms, to extort and take revenge from those arrested, found opposite it the determination of the 3 members of R.S. as well as the dynamic of the multiform struggle which through a series of actions of political support and aggressive solidarity, together raised a temporary mound to the vulgarity of repression.
All the action of the R.S. can be summoned in the application of a steady revolutionary strategy of destabilizing the regime. The 3 repressive strikes against the organization after the execution of comrade Lambros Foundas and the targeting of a wider circle of individuals based on contact and the relationships they had with members of the organization, the 1 million euro bounty on two members, the injury during the arrest of comrade Nikos Maziotis in Monastiraki, the kidnapping of a 6year old child, the recent threats against comrade Pola (plan to murder her, and the bribery attempt by the member of the european parliament for Syriza, Kostandina Kouneva) and the refusal to grant furlough to comrade Kostas Gournas illustrate the fear of authority towards the strategy of armed struggle.
In the summer of 2002 authority attempted, through the arrests of members of the 17November organization, to impose the fear of resistance and futility of armed propaganda. The bang from the explosion of R.S.’s bomb at the courts of Evelpidon in the early hours of September 5th 2003 was the end of this tranquility, order and security. 14 years later, authority attempts to impose the same futility. History calls us to prove once more that they are wrong.
Lets organize our collective self-defence, from which will arise aggressive formations of revolutionary violence.
Violence to the violence expressed by the repressive mechanisms in the name of order and security against the fighting parts.
Blood for the blood of the dead revolutionaries from internationalized repression.
Attack with all means on the carriers and representatives of repression.
Attack through the struggles and demonstrations, attack on the centres of decision-making and police stations, attack their homes.
Solidarity to the imprisoned fighters and rebels around the earth, from Standing Rock in Dacota to the flaming french suburbs.
As for Tsoutsouvis, Kassimis, Foundas, Morales, and every dead revolutionary, the struggle continues.
A few nights ago we sabotaged about 50 parking meters by gluing their locks, coin slots, and card readers. This was a simple act which took no specialized skill. Get some superglue, cover your face, keep your eyes peeled for cops or loyal citizens, and act.
These parking meters were targeted because they fund the Bloomington Police Department and because they force people to pay to be downtown. We hate the police and we hate gentrification and class society, so we chose to attack them.
We act as a gesture of combative memory for Lambros Foundas, anarchist of Revolutionary Struggle killed by the forces of the Greek state on March 10, 2010. Our memory is not one of passive mourning or martyrdom, but of active struggle against the state, capital, and domination in all of its forms. The flame of Lambros’ life kept us warm as we walked through the winter night, and we will carry that flame with us in all parts of our lives, which are lived at war with this society of masters and slaves.
We send strength to all anarchist combatants held captive in the dungeons of the Greek state.
We send solidarity to all those facing the state’s latest attacks against squatters, anarchists, and refugees: we are inspired by your refusal to be paralyzed.
13.03.2017. the the ‘left-wing’ Syriza government revealed once more its total capitulation and authoritarianism by evicting two squats in Athens, Greece. More than 200 people were detained during the evictions, with about 100 of them being released again. Refugees with papers were released, while “non-citizens” without papers will be sent to hotspots/camps. The Greek state also raided a self-organized center in the city of Agrinio. The cops vandalized the venue and stole 600€. Several thousand people protested in Athens against the evictions where clashes broke out after cops attacked the demonstration with tear gas.
The Refugee Accommodation Space, City Plaza’s statement:
Repression will not put an end to the squat movement
The evacuation of Villa Zografou and the Alkiviadou squat by police is an act of extreme state authoritarianism. The SYRIZA-ANEL government quickly aligned itself with far-right voices screaming for more repression. While refugees are crammed inside terrible camps, while enormous sums of money are being wasted, while the city is suffocating from the lack of free, non-commercial spaces, the government is opting for a policy of police violence and social suffocation.
Yet they are mistaken if they believe they can crush the squat movement with riot police and district attorneys. The struggle for solidarity and dignity will continue unabated. It is a Social need, it is a political choice.
Refugee Accommodation Space City Plaza
The call for tonight’s demonstration against the evictions was published on squat.net and voidnetwork.gr, as well as other independent media and social networks.
Statement from Void Network:
Two Social Centers In Athens Under Attack / Solidarity Announcement
The repression of social liberation movement and the destruction of the occupied spaces of refugees and immigrants will not be left unanswered. The Greek Left government chose at the dawn of 13/03/2017 to listen to the commands of the conservative right and the neo-liberal Media of Mass Manipulation and attack two occupations of the broader social movement in Athens, Greece. Police raids are an ideal example of the policy imposed by the domination during our era: when we sleep the State continues working against all of us.
The occupation at the beginning of Acharnon Street, very near to the old Villa Amalias squat in the center of Athens was – with the joys and sorrows of the past year-, a real school for all the local solidarity activists that took part in the titanic struggle offering assistance to refugees outside the mechanisms of the regime, as humans to humans over the last years. The occupation of Acharnon was the first example of direct, autonomous and unmediated self-organization of refugees without the presence and participation of local activists. It was a self-organized space of immigrants and refugees by themselves for themselves and this is why it was hit directly by the state.
The occupied park and castle of Villa Zografou in the Zografou area was an important social center of the neighborhood and with a very strong involvement in the uprising of 2008 and the movements that followed until the final uprising of February 12, 2012. At a time of recession for the movements and of the general inaction of society, the State comes to get back every corner conquered by the social movements at a time when they tried to give answers to the capitalist, predatory raids misleadingly named by our oppressors as “CRISIS”.
The fraud of the representation of popular interests in parliament by ridiculous politicians and sold out parties already ended at Syntagma Square in the summer of 2011. The massive illusion of the desperate majority that Syriza wouls “save us” has ended long ago. This attack on the social centers is yet more proof that the left government is nothing more than another form of antisocial “social democracy” in front of us. Syriza is a zombie of PASOK, and while it is dying it continues to grasp at the defense of its own power, and every minute that passes the future of this society is mortgaged away.
The parliament stinks of the plague and those who want to support it with their backs and to irrigate it with their blood have to know that they live at the expense of their children and that they CHILDREN WILL GIVE THEIR ANSWERS. The Future will defend its rights and THE FUTURE BELONGS TO THOSE WHO ARE STRUGGLING.
Re-occupation of all occupations hit by the State – Create squats and social centers across the country in all possible and unlikely places – Liberation of everyday life from all stupid social responsibilities and conventions – Refuse the dominant culture – Recruitment towards the social movements of our time – Support of the movement’s for the spaces with our daily participation
SYMBIOSIS / EQUALITY / TOTAL FREEDOM
Participate at the demonstrations organised in defense of the squats and social centers
Monday 13/3 at 18.00 Gardenia sq. Zografou area / 6th bus stand – BUS 230, 608,235.
DECLARATION OF SUPPORT AND SOLIDARITY TO N. MAZIOTIS AND P.ROUPA
The ghost of Frederica (once queen of Greece) is still wandering around. After the first episode (when their 6 years old child of P.Roupa and N.Maziotis sent to a psychiatric clinic, the hunger strike of his parents, the outrage and the whole reaction, the statements of support and the final decision to award custody to his grandmother until the final decision of the court) we are entering in the second episode.
On 1st of March is going to be decided the chlid’s custody in Kalamata and his parents are demanding their transfer to attend personally the trial due to the high importance has the casefor their child’s future.
Making use of legalistic state arsenal, especially of 1532 AK, according to which “the prosecutormay by ex officio order the implementations of whatever measures appropriate”, it seems that such a treatment applies when it comes to enemies of the state and capital, while in the case of members of the state gangs-assassinators of 15 year old children (for example, cop Korkoneas who shot dead Alexis Grigoropoulos in 2008) there are not any measures appropriate.
The constitutional rights of the child (Article 7 Paragraph 2) have been brutally violated in this case and the left-right government is hidden behind the so-called “independent justice”, notifying the ducks, and even tearing down even their sovereignty coming from the Constitution. So, the ghost of Fredericais followed by the vampire of patriarchy.
We boldly express our solidarity to the legitimate desire of parents for their presence at the trial- something which is consistent of their struggles against the state, capital and bosses.
Could you explain the beginning of the Rojava revolution and the historical background of the region?
The region of Rojava (West Kurdistan) had been deliberately impoverished in every aspect. The Syrian regime tried to leave it without a unique identity. Kurdish people in Syria are in reality a people who had been left without identity and whose national presence, language, and culture had been denied. As a result, Kurdish people were deprived of the conditions for producing and developing themselves socially, culturally, politically, vitally, materially and morally. Kurdish people, whose conditions of life were taken from their hands, were made dependent on the regime through these exploitative policies. The “Arabic line” was an “Arabisation” policy which sought to surround and divide Rojava by settling Arab populations in fertile parts of it. Places that Daiş finds most support from today are those areas where people were brought from outside. The divisive colonial policies in Syria becomes more intense and harsh after the 1960’s.
Whether among Kurdish people who were forced to migrate from North Kurdistan to Rojava or those who were born and grew up in Syria there has always been tendencies to be organized and to struggle, and for different organizations to maintain their presence there. The activities to protect the national identity of Kurdish people and to be organized for national democratic rights have been carried on illegally by these organizations. The Kurdish policies of the Syrian regime escalated into a period of massacre dating from 1960. On 30th November 1960, 280 Kurdish children were burned to death in a cinema in Amude while they were watching a film about the Algerian revolution. This was the first of the large massacres that Kurdish people have suffered in Syria. Another large massacre took place on 12th March, 2004. A regime organised provocation during a football match was turned into a Kurdish slaughter. Afterwards, the crowd who carried the dead bodies away were attacked and tens of people were killed as a result. As a result of this, Kurdish cities rose up. Before coming to the period that precedes the 2004 uprising, the regime’s oppressive and terrorist policies reached their peak.
The ”Treaty of Adana” signed between the Syrian regime and the Turkish state on 20th September, 1998 played a crucial role. This treaty led to Abdullah Öcalan being forced to leave Syria. Thus, Turkey obtained the conditions for more actively interfering within Rojava. The activities of the PKK in Rojava date back to the end of the 1970’s. The expansion of guerrilla struggle and revolts, and the national democratic based rights gained in north Kurdistan strengthened and accelerated the dynamics of the Rojava revolution. With the foundation of the PYD beside the 12 Kurdish groups, the political substructure of Rojava which provided the conditions for the present day revolution came into being. If we look at the recent period for the pre-conditions of the Rojava revolution we would see that the Syrian Baas (Ba’ath) regime used economic exploitation and political oppression across all social stratum except for a small minority. Syrian people, whose political rights were taken away and who were doomed to a poor life, started to gradually build the individual and social struggle processes. Syrian laborers and people inspired by the series of Arabic revolutions filled squares across the country with democratic demands against the Baas dictatorship . However, the spark which would start the fire came from the writings on walls which were made by the children in Deraa in 2011 saying ”It’s your turn Doctor” [Assad is a trained doctor.]. The response by the Baas regime was harsh and merciless. Even children were imprisoned and tortured. People resisted these violent and oppressive policies determinedly and militantly. Demonstrations expanded to almost every city in Rojava and Syria, Deraa coming as the first. When it came to its 20th day it reached a new height as Deraa was actually occupied.
At the beginning, the large demonstrations marched against improprieties and impoverishment and demanded democratic rights and justice. As a result of increasing repression and their demands being ignored the character of the uprising changed, with the overthrow of Assad becoming a major demand. When Assad could not suppress this uprising he offered some conciliatory offers. The governor of Deraa was dismissed and the period for military service was shortened from 21 months to 18. Steps were also taken to increase the wages of public officials, increase liberty for the press, struggle against impropriety, to end extraordinary state practices, and Syrian citizenship was offered to one part of the Kurdish people. While withdrawing with these compensations he attempted to make massacres by organizing contra groups called ”şebbiha” (ghosts). The conflict between the masses, of which the main body consisted of Arabs, and the Baas regime then began to take the form of a reactionary civil war, with the interference of imperialists and regional collaborator states. The Arabic democratic opposition became reactionary and lost its legitimacy and rightfulness as they became subordinated to imperialists and collaborator states.
The Rojava revolution however chose its own way. It drew its own independent line against the dual reactionary policies of either moving together with the Syrian opposition, which became the puppet of imperialists and states in the region, or staying beside the Assad regime, and headed to revolution. It started a national democratic-libertarian revolution in Rojavan Kurdistan by declaring that it was the representative of oppressed people who had been exposed to pressure, massacre and policies of denial by the Syrian state. It pushed the regime out of the boundaries of Rojava except the airport in Qamışlo and several symbolic institutions. The Rojava revolution developed through the strategy of defending the lands of Rojava and the revolution against its enemies, at the beginning this was the Syrian opposition and then Daiş and Al-Nusra gangs. As for the present, via the Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF), the struggle to make this libertarian struggle active continues.
How do you understand the process of the revolution in Rojava and what work have you been involved in there?
Our party is organized in Turkey and north Kurdistan. It defends regional revolutions, federations and confederations. For that reason, it sees it as a right and a mission to be organized in the Middle East and the four parts of Kurdistan under the occupation of colonists. It defends the line that the four parts of Kurdistan across different countries have the right to unite. Consequently, all issues of direct interest to the region and Kurdistan, in particular, are also the subject matter of our party. They define the programmatic and political background of our presence in Rojava. Our first forces arrived in Rojava in August, 2012. These forces first worked to extend the revolution to the masses, to turn it into a power for people, to encourage people to adopt the revolution and to help them participate in it. We worked in institutions which are vital for the development of Rojava such as security, in the municipality, in the customs house, and in intelligence. We also took part in the defence of the revolution by sending our forces to different battalions. Besides this, we also took part in the foundation work of the YPG and YPJ and worked to encourage the participation of people. We succeeded in our mission of defending the revolution with our military presence while, at the same time, taking on our shoulders the mission of encouraging the participation of people and helping them adopt its policies – which are the basic problems of revolution. As our revolution was gradually formed, developed, built institutions and progressed towards completion economically, politically, culturally and geographically, the imperialists, regional reactionary countries (such as Saudi Arabia,Qatar etc.), and colonial Turkey at first, and then their collaborator gangs such as Al-Nusra and Daiş, the Syrian regime and the KDP (remember the embargo and the closing of the southern border with trenches) tried to drown our revolution from all sides. These policies continue today.
When the military attacks against our revolution got more intensive, we brought most of our forces to this area. With new support, we increased our military forces both in quantity and quality. The liberation of Kobane was first, then we took part in many defensive battles and liberation operations like Haseke, Serekaniye, Gıré Sıpi, Tıl Temir and Rubar Qamışlo.
Our forces in the International Freedom Battalion also joined in the liberation of Şengal, Hol, and the Tışrin Dam. We fought in almost all the fronts, from Kobane to Şengal. Apart from our military and self defense work we are active in areas ranging from health to media, from working in ”Mala Gel”(People Houses – community centres) to communes, and women’s struggles. We, by the way, supported the establishment of The Institution for the Unity and Solidarity of the People. This institution, the SYPG (In Kurdish – Saziya Yekiti û Piştgiriya Gelan) will be an institution which will function like constructing a bridge between people, making them acquainted with the revolution and organizing their support and solidarity. This vehicle will both contribute to the development of the revolution and will be a step in giving it a socialist character. Our party is not a party that came to Rojava with the aim of short term support so we are here as a constant force. To define it most simply, we accept this revolution as ours and its enemies and friends as ours also.
Which struggles, military experiences, and theories are you based on?
We are trying to be a party which analyses all revolutionary experiences in the world, and that learns lessons from them. We experience these ourselves by using applicable forms of them in our work. The Rojava revolution does not resemble any experience from the past. As a consequence of this a lot of groups could not understand, or did not want to understand, the Rojava revolution. This revolution does not progress like the classical revolutions and its historical formation and conditions, as well as its military structure are totally unique. For example there is not a strong class movement as in classical revolutions. At the core of the revolution there remain national democratic demands. However, It does not just contain a narrow nationalist perspective. Despite having national issues at the center of it, it has a character which includes all the peoples in Rojava. Being a women’s revolution at the same time, even just because of this, makes it a good example which should be defended. Apart from these, this revolution maintains its special and unique place through its economic, democratic, cultural and ecological programs.
The revolution was started by a small organized part of the people and military forces. Organized armed militias and guerrillas succeeded in channelizing the discontent in the streets against the Assad regime into occupying the state institutions. The army and police forces belonged to the state, in the cities of Rojava they did not resist fiercely because they were surrounded by the people and military forces. At the beginning, military structures were formed through guerrilla and militia forces mixing while later it gradually became more structured and specialised, and as a result separated. The geographic structure of Rojava encouraged a unique form of war; Urban battles, such as in Kobane, were mainly based on heavy weapons; attacks with mines and IEDs were elevated to a strategic level; assassinations and counter-intelligence were prominent elements; and attacks by cars bombs (which is a method used by gangs) are also fundamental elements of this war. Another unique element is that the fighting styles of both regular armies and guerrillas are being used at the same time. Sometimes forces fight like regular armies while at other times guerrilla tactics are being used. The historical, cultural, social and economic history, and the current nature of Rojava are the reasons for it not resembling any of the revolutionary experiences of the past. If those elements which make this revolution unique were neglected and classical revolutionary tactics and theories had been applied, we would be talking about something else instead of the current Rojava revolution.
For us Marxists to successfully apply the right methods and forms of struggle at the right time with a materialist analysis of the concrete situation is of great importance. Marxism would not be Marxism if it was not based on dialectic and historical materialism. To grasp and understand the new and unique and, according to this, to reconstruct one’s own beliefs and actions requires a flexibility and creativity that only serious revolutionaries can put into practice. Among revolutionary movements it is still widespread to be an imitator, memorizing and applying historical theories and practices.
Across all places and all times the basic laws of war maintain their validity in Rojava as well. Military life, discipline, rules, aspects of offense and defense, command and obedience, willpower, belief, decisiveness, devotion, knowing the enemy and oneself etc. The answers of all war theorists and commanders to all these issues would be almost the same. Military logic is the same in Clausewitz, Lenin and so many other military and political leaders. The ones who are successful are the ones who construct a military strategy and subsequent tactics after placing the conflict objectively in its own historical conditions, basing these on the conflicts own reality and social material structure. We are trying to make meaningful what we have as a legacy, and what we have learned from our own history and world experiences here in the originality of the Rojava revolution. For that, we do not have any pre-formed image or model that we will apply. As we ”Rojavize” the revolution in all its aspects, militarily, economically, culturally, and socially our revolution comes gradually closer to victory.
What does it mean to live in the MLKP Rojava Battalion?
For us communists, before everything, it means consistency – ideologically, politically and organizationally. One of the most important problems for contemporary revolutionary movements is to be lacking in determination. When the unity of thought and action can not be provided, there arise set of ideas which lead to no practical consequences. If a movement loses its believability, it means it is also loses its reason for existing. The great part of the revolutionary movement fell behind politics. A lack of strategy leads to a lack of tactics which leads to not having politics. The result, inevitably, is to enter the role of a spectator and commentator. Those in this role can neither raise the revolution or be a part of it. To live in the MLKP battalion means, in that sense, to be in a place where revolutionaries produce their revolutionary identities in such criteria as strengthening their revolutionary claims and consistency, spreading belief, trusting in people and ideology, being in the right place at the right time, realizing the dream of a new world and facing the future. MLKP, at the same time, is a party of Kurdistan. Revolutionaries from a wide variety of nations are there and fight together with MLKP Rojava. Our units are open to people who are not members of MLKP but are revolutionaries, including anarchists too. Our party is also a place for fighters who come from other countries, especially from Europe, to fight against barbarism and the reactionaries of Daiş, and fight together with the MLKP . In that sense, it has both a local and international character.
How has the Rojava revolution affected the life and functioning of the Battalion?
We are part of the Rojava revolution in every sense. Apart from our unique characteristics, deriving from our ideological structure and our own history (which, indeed, provides a different perspective and some advantages), we are complementary, especially in military issues. We are as much influencing this revolution as we have been influenced by it. For example, fighters from our battalion take their places on the front lines and join all military operations. Life in the battalion is developed and made stable over time. Despite the fact that Rojava has been mostly cleaned from the gangs the main element of defending the revolution is a military one. We should create and develop a perspective on military defence which recognises this. Naturally, this military perspective and the structures which come from this perspective determine the lifestyle of the battalion. Alongside this, ideological and political education is done regularly in order to understand and to be an active part of the Rojava revolution.
How do you educate and develop new militants?
The Rojava revolution is continuing. It is a revolution whose military character is still fundamental. Because of this, military training is given priority and following this, ideological, political and organizational education is given. These trainings use multiple methods. When needed, fighters who are being trained become trainers. All training is tried and examined first in the battalion. Military training is done within the reality of the Rojava revolution. The military strategy and tactics developed in Rojava are taught. Especially after operations, those forces involved will add their experience to the battalion’s and thus the party’s. Indeed, we form political-militant staff who are tied to ideology, trust in the party, and have the willpower to put into practise the party’s political line, they are consistent, militant and devoted to revolution.
How do you support young militants in handling the difficult conditions of war?
War is the most blunt, harsh and intensive phase of struggle. Because of this, a revolutionary should win the war in his/her head in order to resist and handle the hard conditions of war. We are trying to make them obtain this characteristic first. This is only possible by being strong ideologically, correct, and scientific. Revolutionaries who know what they fight for, live for, and die for when it is needed can overcome all the difficulties of war. When ideological clarity and decisiveness are also strengthened with knowledge, skills, and technical experience, then fighters gain militancy and the skill to overcome the hard conditions. It is important to stress that education is both general and private. It is not one sided, generalizing, and reductive. The needs, skills, and capacity of each comrade are taken into consideration when education is being planned. When education is undertaken on war fronts it becomes more practical and permanent.
How can the ideas of the Rojava revolution be adapted to military struggle and life?
It is the most important motivator to understand the necessity. The Rojava revolution both in its origins and in its defensive period has been one whose distinctive character is military. This characteristic belongs to and is unique to this revolution. In general, revolutions are based, and must be based, on violence, military structures, and forms. If we define the problem practically we can say that the people of Rojava started the revolution using the civil war in Syria to their advantage. Guerrilla forces obtained control of the region with the support of the people. The attacks of gangs like Al-Nusra, which is supported by Turkey and their surrounding neighbours and tries to destroy the revolution, developed rapidly. aThese colonial fascists and reactionary forces are trying to drown our revolution. Even though the resistance of these enemies is broken and they are in retreat, the revolution is still at the risk of attacks by them. It is this most important factor which makes it easier to adapt the ideas of the revolution into military struggle and life. The reality is that the defence and development of the revolution is linked directly to your relation with military struggle and life. For example, if you are not organized through military discipline and rules, and do not develop the struggle in that style, you can not defend the Rojava revolution, or even yourself. This material matter is a reality that is accepted quickly by all forces joining the revolution. There is a big difference between understanding this and putting it into practice successfully of course. That is the quality that our fighters obtain with ideological, organizational and military training. When front line experience is added to this, the adaptation of the characteristics of the Rojava revolution in its military and social aspects emerge.
Is there a relation between Rojava and the struggle in Turkey?
Rojava is a part of Kurdistan. Rojava became the leader in comparison to the other parts of Kurdistan and the role that it will play in regional revolutions. The Turkish revolution is a part of this regional revolution, too. Every development in Kurdistan, especially in the north and in Rojava, both deepens the crisis of the regime and is of great importance in class conflict. As a consequence of this there is a direct relation between Rojava and Turkey. Our party, who correctly evaluated the direction of the development of the Kurdistan liberation struggle, has assessed that Kurdistan has started to develop the unity of the destinies of its four parts by forcing the ideological, political, cultural, and moral boundaries. It changed the perspective which viewed the Kurdish struggle through the limited perspective of the north alone. With the 3rd congress of our party in 2002, through the development of the perspective of ”regional revolutions”, we included the regional democratic and socialist federations into our program. Again at our 5th congress, we changed the internationally used name of MLKP/Turkey-North Kurdistan into MLKP/Turkey-Kurdistan to reflect our work in the other parts of Kurdistan. It is an approach which takes into consideration the right to unite a Kurdistan which is currently divided by colonialists. Our Kurdistan organization includes these four parts in its area of struggle. This perspective is also a blow against the Kemalism which penetrated deeply into the soul of the left movement. Even today, a lot of revolutionary organizations, democrats, and intellectuals can not relate with the Kurdish national movement consistently and based on the correct foundations. As they could not historically understand and correctly comprehend the Kurdish national revolution which started to develop from 1993, today they have difficulty in comprehending the Rojava revolution and they approach it either superficially, deny it, or abstain from it. Our party, due to it being a part of the Rojava revolution, had a positive effect on the Turkish left and revolutionary movement and opened a road for them to turn their faces towards the Rojava revolution, even partially. The aggressive policies of colonialist dictatorship towards our people, laborers, and all those that are oppressed continue intensively on the Turkish front. With the Rojava revolution it was revealed more clearly that the right to self-determination of our people, the wish for self-control, self-defence, economic, cultural and social construction, and a process for creating a new successful society affected all the regions. Actually, the people and laborers of Turkey fill their sails with the winds of the revolutionary storm in the region. To defend the Rojava revolution means at the same time to defend personal freedoms, revolution, culture, and values. And that also means that colonialist fascist dictatorship brings into force the policies of destruction, suppression and oppression of the revolutionary, democratic and libertarian struggle on the Turkish front. As a matter of fact there is no doubt that the colonialist fascist dictatorship was the planner of the spiteful attack against 33 young members from the SGDF in Suruç who were in solidarity with Kobane. Also, the bombing of the rally in Ankara where tens of thousands of people gathered to demand the end of the dirty war in Kurdistan was organized by the Turkish state and, like Pirsus, Daiş was blamed. The objective and subjective conditions for regional revolution directly connect the Kurdish liberation movements revolution in Rojava to the struggle in Turkey. The enemies of the Rojava revolution and the struggle in Turkey are regional reactionaries, imperialist powers, Islamic fascist gangs, and the colonialist Turkish fascist dictatorship in particular. Having common enemies is what makes our struggle and revolution also in common. Until the liberation and socialist struggle is successful the revolution in Rojava will always be under danger. Already, it is quite difficult to guarantee the Rojava revolution before Syria develops into a democratic position.
Do MLKP Rojava, at the same time, contribute to the development of revolutionary society with social projects?
Rojava is undergoing a complete reconstruction process. Society is reorganizing itself and extending its management into many areas such as in the local communes, co-operatives, education, culture, and health. Our party is part of this process, contributing to the construction of the revolution with its own projects and using its resources.
Rojava’s terrain shelters a wide variety of people, religions, and cultures. Our party will maintain its ideological, political and organizational work like it has in the past with the perspective of strengthening the unity and solidarity of people. In addition to this, our work in local issues, press, and health continues.
The imperialist war between countries such as Russia, ABD (USA) and Turkey becomes more complex every day. What is your view on this?
During the period called the Arab Spring the search of people and oppressed people for democracy and freedom against the dictatorships of the region revealed a great dynamism which is contemporary as much as historical. There were places where they overthrew the dictatorships, like in Tunisia. Imperialists and reactionary regional states wanted to benefit from these movements and wanted liberty for their own profits like they did in Egypt, Libya, and Amman. Turkey was concerned with creating areas of control by competing inside this reactionary environment. It started a campaign to build hegemony in the region through Neo-Ottoman policies. With its so called “attacks” against Israel, it tried to substitute the Arabic people for itself. It also concentrated on the process of overwhelming the Rojava revolution by enmity against Kurdish people, oppressing and neutralizing the national democratic libertarian movement based on self-administration and self-defense based in the north.
The Middle East has become an area of competition and conflict for imperialists again…
The USA could not achieve exactly what it wanted in the wars waged against Afghanistan and Iraq. It made a great part of the old colonies of Russia its own market and the line of Latvia, Estonia, Lithuania, and Ukraine are the basis of collaboration with UN imperialists. The Balkans were transformed into a market place for German imperialists who also collaborate with the USA. The French started to make more aggressive steps including military actions, especially in Africa. It showed a similar approach in Syria. Russia started to watch for an opportunity to take back the large markets which had been taken by the USA and the imperialist UN block, and thus strengthened and developed its economic, political, and military preparations in order to turn inside out a process which is disadvantageous for itself. The joining of Crimea to Russia was one of the most important steps in turning this process inside out. Russia has recently started to move into Syria more self-confidently and with a bigger military force. It has shown that it is also participating in this competition and conflict. The USA-UN imperialist bloc who could not neutralize the effect of Daiş and other Islamic fascist gangs in the Middle East, as they could not prevent the interference of Russia, had to make an agreement with it. The war in Syria is a result of the conflict between Russia, the USA, and Turkey as the region is shared out again. Even though there were involuntary treaties made between them the contradictions and tensions, especially between Russia and USA, make it a strong probability violent conflict could develop. Turkey has applied a Sunni based policy, together with Saudi Arabia and Qatar, in the region for a long time. It is trying to interfere in the region by supporting Islamic fascist gangs like Daiş and Al-Nusra to suppress the Rojava revolution and the Kurdish national liberation movement. Both its shooting down of a Russian fighter jet and its entrance into the Başika region alleging mistreatment of Turkmens has the same roots. The policies and plans of Russia in Syria are also not new. As a country who has close relations with the Ba’ath regime and which has military bases there, Russia is influential in the region. When USA and its allied powers appeal to every method, including war, in order to create their hegemonic areas in Syria, Russia did not wait and gave every kind of support to the Assad regime. Now, Russia develops new policies by operating directly in the area. Shia regions of Iraq and Iran are allied to this Russian block. The USA-UN imperialist alliance is trying to redesign the region on their own but have difficulties in doing so because they are not the only power there. People have a willpower too. They tried it in Syria but just like in Iraq, they could not succeed . Different ethnic and religious groups, and political forces in Iraq developed the power to derail the desires of imperialists. Daiş, indeed, with the hope of excluding these powers and of changing the balance in the region was supported and armed by the imperialists. However, after a time Daiş, who wanted to utilize these conditions to dominate a large region, got out of the control of the imperialists and regional reactionary states and became a great threat to the profits of these imperialists. The Iraqi army, Peshmerga, and Syrian forces could not intervene against Daiş effectively. Nor were the actions of the imperialists enough to prevent the progress and spread of Daiş. They struggled against the monster that they had themselves created by establishing an international coalition which, however, could not prevent Daiş. Daiş’s position of not meeting the expectations, and eventually attacking their supporters, can be likened to the situation of Germany during the reign of Hitler. The imperialists of the period supported Hitler’s fascism in order to impede the progress of the Soviet Union. However that monster, with the ambition of power, started to eat itself. For that reason, the resistance and the victory of the Soviets functioned in the role of a lifeguard for the states in the region occupied by Hitler. It is not a secret that components of the anti-Daiş block are against the ideological and political perspectives of the Rojava revolution and the defensive power of the YPG. However, the situation on the ground has obliged them to recognize the YPG forces who fight and resist against Daiş and others at great cost. It is a relationship that the imperialists are obliged to do but would prefer not to. There is no problem for us that some of the imperialists strike Daiş as an owner would hit an unruly wild dog. Especially as that dog attacks us. As a consequence, we are not bothered about them hitting Daiş a little. We should also stress that the USA, UN, and Russia relate to the Rojava revolution primarily through military cooperation. Neither the Rojava revolution nor the national democratic rights of Kurdish people are in question.
What do you think about the international solidarity Rojava has received?
We care about this issue very much in the Party. We are trying to make alliances, organise meetings, develop a unity of action and practices of solidarity with many international groups. However, it is not possible to say that these connections are as strong and widespread enough for the present day’s international revolutionary responsibility. It is enough to just look at the murderous crowds of Daiş travelling to the region to see the shameful situation of the groups who call themselves left, socialist, revolutionary, or anarchist. Think about those thousands of people from almost 100 countries who have travelled to join Daiş. The numbers of internationals coming to join the Rojava revolution which defends women’s liberation, equality, and justice is very weak when compared to this. We are sure that the Rojava revolution, which is like an oasis in the desert-like political environment of the Middle East, deserves more interest, support and solidarity. In order to understand what is happening here, and to improve it, every kind of international support should be given. Our revolution makes it possible. The Rojava revolution, with what it defends and makes possible, requires the international solidarity and unity of world revolutionaries. It must be underlined that revolutionaries and communists should be joining in larger number to defend and build the revolution – to guarantee the Rojava revolution will contribute to the democratization of Syria, the liberation of north Kurdistan, and the establishment and development of socialist federations/units. Our Party has continued to highlight and build the efforts to defend, spread, strengthen, and turn Rojava into the revolution of the people and oppressed people of the world by pioneering the foundation of the International Freedom Battalion.
What do you want to say to the international revolutionary movement?
The Rojava revolution today is the place and shelter for the people of world and oppressed people who fight against capitalism, imperialism and every kind of religious reactionary force. To protect the Rojava revolution means to resist capitalism, imperialism and every kind of religious reactionary force, to impede the progress of it, and to beat it. The victory of the Rojava revolution will be a strong blow against capitalism, imperialism and the reactionary dictatorships of the region. The Rojava revolution is the Paris Commune, Bolshevik revolution, Cuba, China, Vietnam, South Africa and Algeria of the present day. For that reason, to protect, support, and participate within it is the most concrete, inevitable and obligatory ideological and political responsibility of the revolutionary movement today.
Recently the squat Autonomous Zone Argo in Izola (Slovenia) was evicted by a private security company and police. Another squat UPInde in the neighbouring city Koper is also under threat of eviction. Both spaces are owned by The Bank Assets Management Company (“Bad bank” created by the state). In both spaces comrades of FAO-IFA are active.
On the delegate meeting of FAO-IFA that took place on 14/1/16 in Ljubljana the strategy to defend the spaces and other steps of engagement were planned. Understand this post as a call for solidarity!On the photo (from the delegate meeting of FAO-IFA):
“Bad Bank – Bad Government, hands off UP INDE & ARGO! FAO-IFA”
The Creative Platform Inde (hereinafter UPI) welcomes the planned remediation of hazardous waste (asbestos, used needles) in the former factory INDE. However, we are announcing that we are not consenting to emptying the already restored spaces which from October, 5th 2014 have been in the use of UPI. We believe that the cleaning of hazardous waste is perfectly feasible without interrupting the activities of the collective.
Since October 2014 we have proved through active involvement and massive response of visitors that this space is one of tremendous importance to the region. At the premises of UPI we are carrying out social programs (food for the socially disadvantaged, gathering supplies for the refugees, etc.), cultural programs (more than 300 concerts, roundtables, art exhibitions, film evenings, etc.), educational programs (lectures, workshops, practical training, etc. .), environmental campaigns, remedial actions, sports programs (skate park, dance workshops, self-defense, sporting competitions and sports days) and so on.
The space of UPI represents a polygon for learning life skills and gaining new knowledge. All this is being done on a voluntary basis, free of charge, non-profit, and with a great deal of personal commitment. Now, with the Autonomous zone Argo gone, there is a danger that the region could lose the last of this kind of spaces that allow the exercise of our creative, social and critical potential, not basing on market logic.
In addition to UPI several homeless people found roof over their heads in the wider area of the abandoned factory. With the closing of this space they will lose their last refuge. DUTB is thereby endangering their lives during the coldest days of the year.
The premises of UPI occupy only a small part of the total area of the building. Wastes are located in a relatively remote part of the building, so it is possible to remove them without UPI having to suspend its activities and programs. We are looking forward to February 8th when we are planning a series of events titled INDELETNICA#2 which will celebrate the second anniversary of our public activity, this time finally in a completely safe environment.
The Collective U.P. Inde
Any additional information can be obtained on the website www.indeplatforma.org
Announcement and call for solidarity from Local Group Alternativa Obstaja, Koper
Autonomous spaces in Slovenia under attack, support the struggle!
Call for solidarity actions for INDE squat in Koper, Slovenia
In the last few years we have seen new autonomous spaces emerging in
Slovenia, joining the struggles of older squats all over the country.
Along the Slovenian coast, two enormous buildings were occupied until
recently. The occupations brought radical politics and different social
relations to their environment. Both squats were always open to a
variety of projects and initiatives, but had strong anarchist presence
and activities as well. The spaces used to be factories, which were
destroyed by the brutal privatization.
Right after New Years, ARGO squat in Izola was forcefully evicted.
Eviction was preceded by a series of harassments from police and
security company, that in some cases resulted in serious bodily injuries
and fines for comrades there. The second coastal squat, called INDE, got
an eviction notice just a few days ago. We are supposed to leave the
premises on January 30.
Both squats are currently owned by so-called Bad Bank. This is a state
institution under the management of the Ministry of Finance, created to
resolve debt by big failed speculative financial investment that crashed
during the economic crisis. In other words: they are there to sell
buildings cheap and open them to further financial speculations, by
which the rich will once again profit, while all of us will lose.
The eviction of INDE is going to happen under a pretense of cleaning up
dangerous material at the site. ARGO was also declared a dangerous zone
by authorities, but the only thing they are trying to clean out of it
are comrades who are bringing life into these spaces.
This is another blow in a hard year for the squatting movement in
Slovenia, since all of the spaces are facing attacks, either by Nazis
or/and police, private security, and state institutions. We understand
this kind of pressure as a part of increased repression that the
so-called migrant crisis has justified. More is at stake than just our
building. We are a hope of a different world, where solidarity, mutual
aid, anti-authoritarianism, and non-hierarchical relations are still
possible. Just few months ago we prevented the eviction of Rog squat in
Ljubljana. We know we can do that again.
We call for comrades all around the world to show us solidarity. We will
welcome you here, but will be happy if you fight where you stand. Send
us a letter of support, or raise a banner! Or squat something yourself!
They can never hold us back if we stand together strong. Everything you
do will keep our spirits up.
If we go down, we are going down in style. Join our struggle!
Local Group Alternativa Obstaja, Koper (part of FAO-IFA)
One year after the Jungle eviction, the hunt against migrants is as vicious as ever. People keep arriving in Calais, hoping to cross the channel to the UK. They are now met with a zero tolerance policy: shelters destroyed, demonstrations broken up, people rounded up in the streets, as deportations are scheduled to vicious states […]
Le 23 Septembre 2017 à Calais, différents groupes étaient réunis pour manifester contre les divers conflits armés et violences policières qui émaillent le monde ainsi que contre la situation anxiogène des exilé.e.s dans la ville de Calais. Comme dans plusieurs villes en France, des rassemblements pour la paix ont eu lieu à l’appel du « […]
Following the publication of a communiqué claiming responsibility for a fire in a garage at a Grenoble police depot (gendarmerie) during the night of September 20th/21st, Indymedia Grenoble and Indymedia Nantes have been threatened by the French police. The administrators of these sites received emails from the Central Office for the Fight Against Crime Linked […]
Linksunten.indymedia.org, the main independent media website in Germany, was banned by the German government's Ministry of Interior on August 25. Maintaining the website and using its logo are now considered criminal offenses in the country. Linksunten volunteers are being prosecuted as a "club," which means that administrators are considered responsible for everything that has been […]
Κατόπιν μεταξύ μας συνεννοήσεων, ενημερώνουμε τους αναγνώστες/στριες και τους ακόλουθους/θες της σελίδας ότι στο eagainst δε θα αναρτηθούν άρθρα ξανά, κι έτσι ο ιστοτόπος τερματίζει την πορεία του στο σημείο αυτό. Ωστόσο, θα παραμείνει ανοιχτός για να έχουν πρόσβαση όλοι/ες όσοι/ες επιθυμούν. Ενώ, το eagainst κλείνει τον κύκλο του, μέλη της ομάδας ξεκινούν νέο εγχείρημα, […]
Στις 20 Δεκεμβρίου του 1988 ο Δ. Παπαδόσηφος σκότωσε κατά τη διάρκεια δίκης τον φονιά του γιού του στο εφετείο του Πειραιά αναφωνώντας: «ξαλάφρωσα, αγαλλίασε η ψυχή μου, λευτερώθηκα. Δικάστε με εις θάνατο να τελειώνω.» Ο γιος του είχε σκοτωθεί, λέγεται με αιτία μια γυναίκα, από τον Γ. Βενιεράκη σε μια καφετέρια του Ρεθύμνου. Για […]
STATEMENT OF ANARCHIST GIOACCHINO SUMA Today, as well as for all the future hearings of this trial that sees me accused along with my brothers, sisters, but above all anarchist comrades, I will not give you the satisfaction of seeing … Continue reading →
Translated by Tormentas de Fogo. 17/11/2017 “Operation Érebo” the earth moves. Agitations and anarchic reflections the wind blows.” At dawn on October 25, 2017 the weather darkened for the anarchists of Porto Alegre. The Civil Police with the so called … Continue reading →
Δεν θέλω μπάτσους και λεφτάδεν θέλω κόμματα, σκλαβιάδεν θέλω έλεγχο σαν πάω σε πορείεεεεςΤο πάθος για τη λευτεριάείναι απ' όλα τα κελιάπιό δυνατό, πιο σοβαρό και πιό μεγάααλοοοΘα ζήσω ελεύθερη ψυχήηηκι όχι φασίστας στο κλούυβιιιιαπό ταράτσα σε ταράτσα θα πηδάααααωωωωΑπό ψηλά θα σας κοιτώωωκι αμά ποτέ μου βαρεθώωωψυγεία, λάδια και μολότωφ θα πετάαααωωωαπό ταράτσα σε […]
Μετά από τηλεφωνική συνομιλία με τον ίδιο, ο Μorrissey μου αποκάλυψε ότι έχασε εσκεμμένα το αεροπλάνο και ματαίωσε την συναυλία του επειδή είναι αηδιασμένος όχι μόνο από την ακροδεξιά κυβέρνηση της χώρας, αλλά και από την ομοφοβία, τον ρατσισμό και γενικότερα το καταβαραθρωμένο πολιτιστικό επίπεδο των ιθαγενών εδώ. Καταδίκασε την αστυνομοκρατία και παραφράζοντας γνωστή δισκογραφική δουλειά […]
Στις 28.08.2014 μια εμπρηστική επίθεση σε ένα στρατηγικό σημείο του προαστιακού σιδηροδρόμου (S-Bahn) του Βερολίνου, είχε ως αποτέλεσμα να καταστρέψει το πιο σημαντικό σημείο του δικτύου το οποίο παρέλυσε για τρεις ημέρες. Φωτιά και λάβρα για το Βερολίνο Την στιγμή που στις 04.00 η ώρα σήμερα το πρωί, δύο εκρηκτικοί μηχανισμοί ακινητοποίησαν ένα μέρος του […]
Το καλοκαίρι του 2013 μέλη των διαφορετικών ομάδων του Αναρχικού Μαύρου Σταυρού συζητήσαμε την ανάγκη δημιουργίας μιας Διεθνούς Ημέρας των Αναρχικών Κρατουμένων. Δεδομένου ότι υπάρχουν ήδη μέρες όπως η Μέρα των Δικαιωμάτων των Πολιτικών Κρατουμένων και η Μέρα της Δικαιοσύνης, θεωρούμε σημαντικό να δώσουμε έμφαση και στις υποθέσεις των δικών μας συντρόφων/ισσών. Κατ’ αρχάς πολλές/οί […]
If the American people ever allow private banks to control the issue of their currency, first by inflation, then by deflation, the banks…will deprive the people of all property until their children wake-up homeless on the continent their fathers conquered…. The issuing power should be taken from the banks and restored to the people, to whom it properly belongs. – Thomas Jefferson in the debate over the Re-charter of the Bank Bill (1809)
“I believe that banking institutions are more dangerous to our liberties than standing armies.” – Thomas Jefferson
… The modern theory of the perpetuation of debt has drenched the earth with blood, and crushed its inhabitants under burdens ever accumulating. -Thomas Jefferson